say in reply, that it would be well for that senator, amid his partisan recollections, to remember whose Cabinet it was that had embraced traitors among its most distinguished members, and sent them forth from its most secret sessions to betray their knowledge to their country's ruin!"

WH

XI.

BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR.

WHEN Fort Sumter was fired upon in April, 1861, the legislature of Ohio was in session. The outbreak of civil war necessitated much legislation, and Senator Garfield having occupied a leading position, was called upon to take an active part in devising and carrying through the many measures. He was tireless in his activity, and was in frequent consultation with the governor in regard to the public interests.

When the session was over, he was employed by the governor to obtain arms and equipments, and in fitting out the first troops.

Up to the battle of Bull Run in July, the people of the North had not looked far enough into the nature of the struggle to understand that it was to be of gigantic proportions, and long continued. Mr. Seward had predicted that the war would be over in ninety days. Great hopes were entertained that the Union element in the Southern States would assert itself. Northern men did not see that the spirit of slavery was so aggressive, tyrannical, and overbearing, that the Unionists in the Southern States would be crushed by it. Nor did they see the eternal antagonism between the two sys

tems of civilization that had taken root on this continent, one planted on the fertile banks of the James, the other on the hard, forbidding soil of New England.

People even who were familiar with the lessons of history failed to see that it was the old contest of Naseby, Edge Hill, and Marston Moor, of Bunker Hill, Bennington, and Yorktown; that it was the question of individual liberty of the many against the few.

The proclamation issued by Abraham Lincoln after the firing upon Fort Sumter, called for troops to maintain the authority of the United States, and to preserve the Union. The preservation of the Union was the question uppermost in the minds of the soldiers, who responded to the call during the months of April, May, and June, 1861. But behind that question was another of vastly greater moment, the question of the rights of

men.

It was in 1578, three hundred and two years ago, that George Buchanan, tutor to Mary, Queen of Scotland, and to her son, James II., profound thinker, philosopher, and poet, — published a pamphlet entitled De Fure Regni - "The Right to Rule," in which he enunciated a new doctrine, never before promulgated by any human being — that superior power emanates from the people, who have the right to choose their own rulers, and manage their own affairs in government; that this right is based on the equality of all men; that it is natural and inalienable.

This doctrine was in direct antagonism to the idea which had prevailed from the beginning of history to that hour, that kings are appointed by God to

govern, and that all others are to be governed. Louis XIV., of France, summed up the whole history of ab-" solute personal government in four words: "I am the State."

The doctrine of George Buchanan was so monstrous, that the Parliament of England interdicted the pamphlet, and Prime Minister Clarendon ordered that all copies be gathered up and burned by the hangman.

Nevertheless, the seed took root. It was a mighty force in the great Puritan uprising which swept Charles I. from the throne to the executioner's block. It was the force which elevated Cromwell to become LordProtector of England.

The hangman of England, at the order of Clarendon, could burn Buchanan's pamphlet, but no fire ever yet was kindled that can consume an eternal Truth! That pamphlet set in motion lines of action that led up to Bunker Hill, the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States, the establishment of the Republic.

How slow the growth of an idea! Not till the outbreak of the Revolution of 1775, was the idea of the rights of the people formulated as the basis for government. The Revolutionary fathers had arrived at an understanding of what their own rights were, but they did not recognize men of another race and color as being men. Not till the year of James A. Garfield's birth was that idea put squarely before the nation. The North scouted it at the outset. It required thirty years more of the aggression of slavery to get that idea

into the hearts of the great majority of the people of the North. The South utterly ignored it.

“African slavery is the corner-stone of confederacy," said Alexander H. Stephens, vice-president of the Confederacy.

Not till McDowell's defeated army was rushing pellmell to Washington did the North begin to comprehend that the war was to be a life-and-death struggle.

Jamcs A. Garfield, educated and trained by Joshua R. Giddings, saw from the outset what the issue must be, and gave himself heart and soul to his country.

The students of the institute at Hiram were fired with military ardor. They had laid aside base-ball and quoits, and were marching and countermarching on the campus, going through the fanciful Zouave drill, then all the rage, but which a few months later was lost sight of in the stern realities of war. Some of them enlisted at the outset, but most of them remained to the close of the summer term. Mr. Garfield had been so absorbed in his legislative duties, and in fitting out the troops, that he had had little time to attend to matters at Hiram. He never thought of advancing his own personal interests. He was working for his country.

On the 27th of July Governor Dennison addressed Mr. Garfield as follows:

"THE STATE OF OHIO EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,

Columbus, July 27th, 1861.

}

"DEAR SIR: I am organizing some new regiments. Can you take a lieutenant-colonelcy? I am anxious vou should do so. Reply by telegraph.