of citizens; and if you give them that equality, you must guarantee it. In Philadelphia, it would be fatal to their peace, and destructive to their lives. We must look at the structure of society, and contemplate man with his prejudices and passions, and move with a becoming caution. He would risk his life and property to defend those people in the possession of their proper rights, to elevate them in character, and to bring them up at some future day, to that position which gentlemen wished them to occupy.Probably, whenever that time should come that the efforts of a certain party would be crowned with success, the West India islands may pass into the hands of this race. Then the practical effect of these efforts would be seen, and it would be determined if these persons can ever rise to the He would not attempt to injure their prospects, elevation of civilized man. by hastening, unwisely, the period which might arrive, if their advocates were not too precipitate. The gentleman from Adams (Mr. STEVENS) designates this people, "degraded beings". They say they are not so.

Mr. STEVENS explained, and stated that such was not his language. Mr. BROWN said, that the gentleman from Adams had stated that there was no protection for them-"that the slaves of the south were not protected by law, but held their life at the will of their masters". This evinced an ignorance of the existing state of facts. The law in the south is as tenacious of the life of the slave, as of any other individual. Every lenity is shown to them by the courts, and he had been frequently surprised to see the decisions in their favor. Let any gentleman call to mind the decision of the will of Mr. RANDOLPH, and the talent which was called It has always been seen that the sons forth in the argument in that case. of Virginia have been forward to defend the rights and the interests of the slaves. Many would willingly give up their slaves, if there were any to pay the cost of transporting them to Africa. The gentleman from Adams had it in his power to transport many. When it required only fifty dollars to transport a slave back to his own country, gentlemen who talked so loudly of their regard for the rights of the slave, could do much to put him in possession of all the rights which man could enjoy. These attacks on the south, were all the result of a mock philanthropy. The gentleman from Adams would rejoice to see the immediate abolition of slavery; he would rejoice to set them free, and to witness their first dance of freedom.. Instead of witnessing their first dance of freedom, the gentleman would have to witness their dance of death. He had mixed with the slaves of the south, and had eaten with them, and he would say, that a happier population than the slaves of Virginia, was not to be found any where ; and for moral worth, there were few of any population superior to them.. They are far above the negroes of Pennsylvania, as he was convinced from the knowledge he had of the colored population of both these States. He would go still further. The owners of the slaves in Virginia, have a feeling for their slaves akin to that which they have for their children and their brothers. Some of them were nursed at the same breast of the slave, had played together in infancy, been sharers of each other's joys and sorrows, had grown to maturity together, and in such circumstances, he would not. deserve the name of man, who could treat the slave with cruelty. These strong ties and attachments extended to the families of the slaves-and their wives and children were regarded with the same tenderness.. All the ery about the misery of their condition, their helpless and unprotected J4

VOL. III.

state, and the soul-harrowing hardships to which they are subjected-was a false cry, raised to set in motion the sickly sensibilities of benevolent. but weak and credulous individuals. In comparison with the condition of the free negro, the state of the slave was enviable. While the freeman had to traverse the country like an outcast, to pick up a scanty and uncertain subsistence where he might, with no human being to take an interest in his welfare-the slave was free from care, his own wants and those of his family provided for, and in the time of sickness, medical aid called in to relieve them, nursed, cherished, clothed and protected, possessing and enjoying all the necessaries and comforts of life. He was no advocate of slavery. He would be glad to see the evil, for he considered it one to the country, removed from us. He desired that all mankind should be free: but he must be satisfied, before he gave his sanction to the experiment of abolishing slavery, that it would be productive of happiness to those for whose benefit the experiment was professedly to be made. He would not consent to take the unfledged bird from the nest, and cast it out to the bleak atmosphere to freeze. He would not take the poor animals, which had borne him from place to place, and turn them forth in the inclement winter, where no food could be picked up, and where, like the horses in the Peninsular war, they might be compelled to devour each other. For rational liberty, he would go as far as any one. We must fit the negroes to be free, and prepare the country for their freedom, before any attempt should be made to emancipate them; and any attempt to excite the angry feelings of any portion of the people against gradual improvement, would be inimical to the ultimate success of those who pretended to be their ad vocates; and he warned them to beware of the dangers that their rashness and mistaken zeal might bring upon this unfortunate race of people. We must make them fit for the enjoyment of liberty, before we set them free, and turn them loose, like the wild horses, to prey upon and destroy one another. The wild and visionary scheme of the abolitionists, has thrown the negroes back fifty years, and has had the effect to rivet their chains more firmly than ever. The slaves of the south have been more oppressed in consequence of the efforts of the abolitionists, within the last five years, than they can receive benefit from the hands of the philanthropist, in the next half century. He was desirous of seeing this class of persons enjoying their liberty, but they must first be made fit for freemen; and when that was done, he would go as far as any one in proper measures for obtaining their freedom.

Mr. HOPKINSON should vote against the printing of the petition, because he wished it to take the ordinary course of all other petitions in this Convention. There have been petitions presented here day after day, without 'being printed, and he saw no reason why we should depart from the usual course in relation to this petition. It is true, that among the numerous petitions presented here, two have been ordered to be printed, upon a special motion; but, on this question, he did not desire to see any special motion made. He was not in favor of including this among those of the favored ones.

Mr. DICKEY should vote for the printing of this petition, because the pe titioners had as good a right to have their petition printed as any other person: and we have printed the petitions of other citizens of this Commonwealth, which have been presented here, on special motion. A motion has been.

rade to print this petition, and he should vote for it, because these petitioners believe themselves about to be deprived of a right which they have enjoyed under the Constitution of 1790. Under that Constitution they have enjoyed the right of suffrage, and they are apprehensive that an attempt may be made to deprive them of that right here, and in consequence of this, they have sent in their remonstrance against it. For himself, he considered that the action of the Convention upon this subject, had settled the question. When the proposition was submited by the gentleman from Philadelphia, to insert the words "free white", in the section in relation to the right of suffrage, it was rejected, by a majority of the Convention, and he believed that that vote decided that the language of the Constitution of 1790 should remain unaltered, and that no amendment on that subject should be submited to the people. He would print the petition, because the petitioners had as much right to be heard as any other persons, if they were not as white. He did not believe that there was any disposition in the Convention to disturb the Constitution in this particular, but these persons feeling a deep interest in the Constitution, and hearing that a proposition of the kind alluded to had been introduced, they considered it to be their right and their duty to remonstrate against it, for this reason, he would treat their petition with all due respect. Much has been said here about exciting the fears of the South, and that we ought not to discuss subjects calculated to raise their fears and alarm them, about a certain description of property. He did not believe there was a man on this floor who wished to disturb a single right which was guaranteed by the Constitution; and those much abused people in the North, and much despised people in the South-the abolitionists-when their principles are understood as they ought to be understood, will be found as true friends to the Constitution as any other of the citizens of this Union. They do not ask you to interfere with a single right guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States. They are as ardently attached to the Constitution and to the Union, as any other class of persons, whether they reside in the sunny plains of the South, or the frozen hills of the North. They do not ask a violation of any of the provisions of the Constitution, in carrying out the principles of the immediate abolition of slavery and the slave trade. În all their principles which they have laid down in their petitions to Congress, and in their publications on the subject, they do not claim the right of abrogating the solemn compact entered into by the different States of this Union. They do not hold that Congress has any right to abolish slavery in the Southern States, but they do hold that it has the right to abolish it in the District of Columbia; and he believe with them. Further, the abolitionists: believe it to be a duty enjoined on all men, to let the enslaved go free, and to use every proper exertion within their power to give liberty to those in bondage; and all they expect and desire, by their efforts, is to reach the conscience of the slave holder; and, when his conscience is reached, they have no apprehension but he will liberate his slaves and give them that freedom to which every human being in this country is entitled. The abolitionists do not mean that some two and a half millions of the slaves of the South shall be turned loose to cut each others' throats, er to cut the throats of the white population. They are the friends of law and good order, and it is not the desire to turn loose an infuriate

multitude to destroy each other, and break up society. When their doc trine is properly understood, it will be found, that by abolition, they mean nothing more than that the slave should become the recipient of the wages of his labor, upon the same principle which governs the free men of Pennsylvania. The services of these men of color may be of importance to the people of this country, as they have heretofore been, and gentlemen should treat them, and their petitions, with more respect. There has been a time and a place, and a very important time, and a very important place, when the men of color were called upon to fight the battles of this country, in defence of the liberties of the country, and the liberties of the slaveholders, who were holding their brethren in bondage. Let gentlemen refer to the proclamation of General JACKSON, in Louisiana, before the battle of New Orleans, and they will see that the people of color of that place were called into the service of the country, and performed important services at that time, and that they received the thanks of their General on their dismissal, for the faithful manner with which they performed their duties.

[Mr. D. here read the proclamation of General JACKSON, calling into the service the free citizens of color of Louisiana, together with the order, discharging them, after their term of service had expired.]

That battalion had, afterwards, the honor of being at New Orleans, where it fought with great gallantry for that very liberty which the slaveholder enjoys, whilst he keeps his fellow man in bondage. It was a fact recorded in history, that the first blood which was shed at Bunker's Hill, was that of a man of color. And now, when a memorial was presented here from people of color, asking that their rights might not be disturbed, it was to be treated as if not entitled to respect.

Mr. M'CAHEN, of Philadelphia, said, he had differed from some of his colleagues as to the vote he should now give. He intended to vote for the printing, and against the reference. He wished to call the attention of the people to it, and when it should have been well understood, he wanted it fairly and properly met. At that time, he should give his views freely, and at large. He would, as he had already intimated, vote for the printing, because then we should hear, before long, the opinions of the people on this important subject.

The question was then taken on refering the memorial, and decidedyeas 16, nays 85-as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Clarke, of Indiana, Crain, Dickerson, Fry, Helffenstein, Ingersoll Kennedy, Martin, Miller, Porter, of Northampton, Read, Riter, Sellers, Scheetz, Smyth Sterigere-16.

NAYS-Messrs. Agnew, Ayres, Baldwin, Banks, Barndollar, Barnitz, Bayne, Bedford, Bell, Riddle. Brown, of Philadelphia, Butler, Carey, Chambers, Chandler, of Philadelphia, Chauncey, Clarke, of Beaver, Clark, of Dauphin, Cochran, Cope, Crum, Cummin, Cunningham, Curll, Darlington, Darrah, Denny, Dickey, Dillinger, Donnell, Doran, Dunlop, Earle, Farrelly, Fleming, Forward, Fuller, Gamble,Gearhart, Gilmore, Grenell, Harris, Hast uge, Hayhurst, Hiester, High, Hopkinson, Houpt, Hyde, Jenks, Keim, Kerr, Konigmacher, Krebs, Long, Maclay, M'Cahen, M'Call, M'Sherry, Meredith, Merrill, Merkel, Montgomery, Nevin, Overfield, Penny packer, Pollock, Porter, of Lancaster, Parviance, Reigart, hitter, Rogers, Russell, Saeger, Scott, Serrill, Shellito, Sill, Shively, Stevens, Stickel, Ta çgart, Thomas, Todd, Sergeant, President-85.

Mr. DUNLOP, of Franklin, moved that the Convention adjourn, but afterwards withdrew the motion.

Mr. BUTLER, of Philadelphia, said, that he would vote against printing the memorial, because it was not respectful in its language. He would do so if it came from whites.

The question recuring on printing the memorial, Mr. KEIM asked for nays; and,

the yeas

and

The question being taken, it was decided-yeas 56, nays 45-as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Agnew, Ayres, Baldwin, Barndollar, Barnitz, Bayne, Biddle, Carey,
Chambers, handler, of Philadelphia, Chauncey, Clarke, of Beaver, Clark, of Dauphin,
Clarke, of Indiana, Cochran, Cope, Cunningham, Darlington, Denny, Dickey, Dicker-
son, Dunlop, Farrelly, Forward, Fuller, Gilmore, Helffenstein, Hiester, Jenks, Kerr,
Konigmacher, Long, Maclay, M'Cahen, M'Call, M'Sherry, Meredith, Merrill, Merkel,
Montgomery, Pennypacker, Pollock, Porter, of Lancaster, Purviance, Reigart, Ritter,
Saeger, Scott, Serrill, Sill, Snively, Stevens, Thomas, Todd, Young, Sergeant, Presi-
dent-56.

NAYS-Messrs. Banks, Bedford, Bell, Brown, of Philadelphia, Butler, Crain, Crum,
Cummin, Curll, Darrah, Dillinger, Donnell, Doran, Fleming, Fry, Gamble, Gearhart,
Grenell, Harris, Hastings, Hayhurst, High, Hopkinson, Houpt, Hyde, Ingersoll, Keim,
Kennedy, Krebs, Martin, Miller, Nevin, Overfield, Porter, of Northampton, Read, Riter,
Rogers, Russell, Sellers, Scheetz, Shellito, Smyth, Sterigere, Stickel, Taggart-45.
The committee then rose, and the Convention adjourned.

MONDAY, JULY 10, 1837.

Mr. CHANDLER, of Chester, presented a memorial from citizens of Chester county, praying that the Constitution may be so amended, as that the right of the trial by jury may be extended to every human being. Mr. SERRILL, of Delaware, presented a memorial from citizens of Delaware county, similar in its prayer.

Mr. M'CLAY, of Mifflin, presented a memorial from citizens of Mifflin County, similar in its prayer.

Mr. STEVENS, of Adams, presented a memorial from citizens of Philadelphia county, similar in its prayer.

These petitions were severally refered to the committee on the ninth article of the constitution.

JUDICIAL TENURE.

Mr. FULLER, of Fayette, submited the following resolution :

"WHEREAS, the question of Judicial tenure is one in which the people of this Com. monwealth feel a deep interest, and it is of the highest importance that this Convention should express its opinion upon the subject, before it adjourns: it is therefore

"Resolved, That the offices of the Judges of the Supreme Court ought to be limited to a term of years.

"Resolved, That the offices of the Judges of the several Courts of Common Pleas, District Courts, Orphans' Courts, and Courts of Quarter Sessions and Oyer and Terminer, ought to be limited to a term of years".

Mr. FULLER moved that the resolutions be now considered, and read a second time.