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CONTENTS OF VOL. XLVII

PAGE

✓ THE DEFENCE OF the Empire and THE MILITIA BALLOT. By Sir George
Sydenham Clarke

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THE MILITARY WEAKNESS OF ENGLAND AND THE MILITIA BALLOT. By

Sidney Low

THE VOLUNTEERS. By Colonel J. G. B. Stopford

OUR INDIAN TROOPS. By Sir Henry Howorth

THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONSPIRACY AGAINST BRITISH RULE. By the Rev.

Dr. Wirgman

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THE CONFUSION WORSE CONFOUNDED' AT THE WAR OFFICE. By the

late General Sir George Chesney. (With an Introduction by Spenser

Wilkinson)

THE MILITIA. By Sir Herbert Maxwell

THE MILITIA BALLOT. By Viscount de Vesci

OUR PRACE TRAINING FOR WAR. GUILTY OR NOT GUILTY? By Colonel

Lonsdale Hale.

DR. MIVART ON THE CONTINUITY OF CATHOLICISM. By the Rev. Father

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THE GEORGICS OF VIRGIL, BOOK II., LINES 458-542. By Lord Burghclere 275

THE NEW MYSTICISM IN SCANDINAVIA By Miss Hermione Ramsden
ELECTRICAL ENGINEERING AND THE MUNICIPALITIES. By A. A. Campbell

Swinton

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THE PROBLEM OF THE MIDDLE EAST. By Sir Thomas Gordon

SCRIPTURE AND ROMAN CATHOLICISM, By Dr. St. George Mivart.
CROMWELL'S CONSTITUTIONAL EXPERIMENTS. By J. P. Wallis

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PROPER PRECAUTIONS FOR IMPERIAL SAFETY. By Sir George
Sydenham Clarke

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THE INSUFFICIENT PROPOSALS OF THE WAR OFFICE. By H. O.

Forster

ARE WE MISLED ABOUT THE FLEET? By H. W. Wilson.
THE PARLOUS POSITION' OF ENGLAND. By W. S. Lilly

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THE BOERS AND THE NATIVE QUESTION. By the Rev. Dr. Wirgman
WHO IS TO PAY FOR THE WAR? By the Earl of Camperdown
PLANTING OUT STATE CHILDREN IN ŠOUTH AFRICA By the Marquis of

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Douglas

TYCHO BRAHE. By Arthur Ponsonby

THE COPYRIGHT BILLS, 1900. By Lord Thring

THE INTELLECTUAL AWAKENING OF CHINA. By Professor Robert K.

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THE

NINETEENTH

CENTURY

No. CCLXXV—JANUARY 1900

In this last year of the nineteenth century the country is brought face to face with a great and grave alternative which has been long approaching it, and which cannot now be further evaded or ignored.

We must either contract the boundaries of our Empire or we must expand our military forces until they are sufficient to defend from all aggression the vast inland frontiers over sea, which our Navy cannot reach; and this we must do without dangerously depleting these islands of their second line of defence.

It is not, one may trust, very doubtful which course the nation will choose when the necessity of the choice is brought home to it, for 'Little-Englandism' is as unpopular a creed as it deserves to be. But how best to act upon its choice and carry it out into speedy and effective action is a question of extremest moment.

The South African War, with its severe strain upon our present military resources, is rapidly convincing thoughtful men-both soldiers and civilians-that we are coming too near the breakingpoint of our world-wide responsibilities. It is an object-lesson which he who runs may read,' and which it seems the obvious duty of the press to take care that the public shall read and seriously

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consider.

That lesson can yet be learned in time, and is, in brief, the absolute necessity of amplifying our defensive military system until we stand as an armed and drilled, though not necessarily a conscript, nation amongst all the other armed and drilled nations of the world, if we would hold and hand down our Empire as it now exists through the twentieth century.

It is the purpose of the two following articles, contributed by a soldier and a civilian respectively, to point out how, without

VOL. XLVII-No. 275

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resorting to conscription, the essential and necessary strength may be attained by the revival of our ancient constitutional military system-the ballot for the Militia-which is still only suspended from operation year after year by Parliament. These articles will be followed in due course by other contributions to the discussion of this vital matter.

JAMES KNOWLES, Editor Nineteenth Century.

THE DEFENCE OF THE EMPIRE
AND THE MILITIA BALLOT

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THE building up of the British Empire is one of the marvels of the world's history. There is no parallel to be found in the records of the past. The process of expansion, the methods of government applied to successively acquired possessions, the conspicuous success achieved, all are alike unique. To our mixed descent and the strong infusion of the blood of the most daring of the seafaring adventurers of Northern Europe we doubtless owe our roving instincts and our masterful proclivities. The long struggle for continental dominion imported into England by William the First and continued during many centuries, had only just terminated with the loss of Calais, when the great seamen of Elizabeth began to point the way to expansion across the seas, and to lay the first foundations of colonial dominion. The stern naval contest with Holland followed, and civil war checked the outward impetus, until the genius of Cromwell arose to restore the shaken prestige of England, while Blake taught nations to whom the very name of Englishmen was a strange sound to respect its honour and its rights.' Reaction quickly supervened, and the thunder of Dutch guns was heard by the citizens of London; but the disastrous reign of Charles the Second added New York, Antigua, Montserrat and St. Kitt's to the possessions of the Crown, together with Tangier, soon to be discreditably abandoned. The accession of William the Third involved the nation in a French war, which was generally unsuccessful and did not further the interests of national expansion. Onwards, until the outbreak of the Seven Years' War, England was involved in a series of contests which left her with new territorial outposts and with the prestige of such great naval victories as those of Malaga, Cape Passaro, Finisterre and Belleisle, but did not settle between her and France the great stake of colonial supremacy. Between 1756 and 1815 this tremendous issue was fought for and decided. In its later phases, the

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