I. 1629. in a land where (to a certain extent at least1) a peaceful co- C H A P. existence of different sects was demonstrated to be not merely practicable, but signally promotive of the most excellent graces of christian character. Much might be urged and will doubtless suggest itself to every liberal mind, in extenuation of their error, of which the bitter leaven continued long to disturb their peace and felicity. But indulgence must not be confounded with praise: and the considerations which may be allowed to mitigate our censure of the intolerant spirit which these people displayed, can never entitle this spirit to be regarded as a virtue. It was sharpened by the copious infusions which the colony received of the feelings excited in England by the increased severity of persecution, from which the victims began to fly in increasing numbers to America. The British empire in America underwent, about this period, some vicissitudes, which in after years affected materially the prosperity both of New England and of the other colonial establishments in the same quarter of the world. The war which the king so wantonly declared against France in 1627, and which produced only disgrace and disaster to the British arms in Europe, was attended with events of a very different complexion in America. Sir David Kirk having obtained a commission to attack the American dominions of France, invaded Canada in the summer of 1628; and so successful was the enterprise, that in July, 1629, Quebec was reduced to surrender to the arms of England. Thus was the capital of New France subdued by the English, about one hundred and thirty years before they achieved its final conquest by the sword of Wolfe. But the important tidings had not been received in Europe when peace was re-established between France and England; and Charles, by the subsequent treaty of St. Germain, not only restored this valuable acquisition to France, but expressed the cession in terms of such extensive application, as undeniably inferred a recognition of the French, and a surrender of the British claims to 1 It was not till the year 1619 (the year preceding the departure of the Plymouth settlers from Leyden) that the sanguinary persecution of the Arminians, to which I have already alluded, occurred in Holland. BOOK the province of Nova Scotia. This arrangement portended II. vexation and injury to the settlements of the English: and the 1629. sequel of our narrative will demonstrate how fully the evil portent was accomplished. 1 Champlain's Voyage. Oldmixon. Chalmers. "It is remarkable," says Professor Kalm, "that the French were doubtful whether they should reclaim Canada from the English, or leave it to them. Many were of opinion that it was better to keep the people in France, and employ them in all sorts of manufactures, which would oblige the other European powers who had colonies in America to bring their raw goods to French ports, and take French manufactures in return." But the prevalent opinion was, that the reclamation and retention of Canada would promote the naval power of France, and was necessary to counterbalance the rising colonial empire of England.-Kalm's Travels in North America. CHAPTER II. The Charter Government transferred from England to Massachusetts.-Numerous Emigration.-Foundation of Boston.-Hardships of the new Settlers.-Disfranchisement of Dissenters in the Colony.-Influence of the provincial Clergy.— -John Cotton and his Colleagues and Successors.-Williams' Schism-he founds Providence.—Representative Assembly established in Massachusetts.— Arrival of Hugh Peters-and Henry Vane, who is elected Governor.—Foundation of Connecticut-and Newhaven.-War with the Pequod Indians.- Severities exercised by the victorious Colonists.-Disturbances created by Mrs. Hutchinson. Colonization of Rhode Island-and of New Hampshire and Maine.-Jealousy, and fluctuating Conduct of the King.—Measures adopted against the Liberties of Massachusetts-interrupted by the Civil Wars.-State of New England-Population-Laws-Manners. THE directors of the Massachusetts or New England company in Britain, meanwhile exerted the utmost diligence to reinforce the colony they had founded with a numerous body of additional settlers. Their designs were promoted by the rigour and intolerance of Laud's administration, which progressively multiplying the hardships imposed on all Englishmen who scrupled entire conformity to the ecclesiastical ordinances, proportionably diminished, in their estimation, the danger and hardships attending a removal to America. Many people began to treat with the company for a settlement in New England; and several of those new adventurers were persons of distinguished family and opulent estate. But foreseeing the misrule inseparable from the residence of the legislative functions in Britain, they demanded, as a previous condition of their emigration, that the chartered rights and all the powers of government should be transferred to New England, and exercised within the territory of the colony. The directors of the company who had incurred a considerable expense, with little prospect of speedy remuneration, were very willing to secure the settlement of so many wealthy and respectable colonists in their territory, even at the expense of the surrender that was demanded from them: but doubting its legality, СНАР. II. 1629. II. 1629. ment land to setts. 1 BOOK they thought proper to consult lawyers of eminence on the subject. Unaccountable as it must appear to every person in the slightest degree conversant with legal considerations, they received an opinion favourable to the wishes of the emigrants; 29 Aug. and accordingly it was determined, by general consent," that The char- the charter should be transferred, and the government be ter govern- settled in New England." To the existing members of the transferred corporation who should still remain in Britain, was reserved a from Eng share in the trade, stock, and profits of the company, for the Massachu- term of seven years. By this transaction,—one of the most singular that is recorded in the history of a civilized people, were the municipal rights and liberties of the inhabitants of New England established on a firm and respectable basis. When we consider the means by which this was accomplished, we find ourselves beset with doubts and difficulties, of which the only rational solution that presents itself is the supposition we have already adopted, that the king was at this time exceedingly desirous to rid the realm of the puritans, and had unequivocally signified to them, that if they would bestow their presence on some other part of his dominions, and employ their energies in subduing the deserts of America, instead of disturbing his operations on the church and civil constitution of England, they should have permission to arrange the structure, civil and ecclesiastical, of their provincial commonwealth, according to their own discretion. An English corporation, appointed by its charter to reside in London, resolved itself, by its own act, into an American corporation, and transferred its residence to Massachusetts: and this was openly transacted by men whose principles rendered them peculiarly obnoxious to their rulers, and under the eyes of a prince no less vigilant to mark, than prompt to repress every encroachment on the limits of his prerogative. So far was Charles from entertaining the slightest dissatisfaction at this proceeding, or from desiring, at the present period of his reign, to obstruct the removal of the puritans to New England, that about two years after this signal change had been carried into effect, when a complaint of arbitrary and illegal measures was preferred against the colony by a Roman catholic who had 1 Mather. Hutchinson. СНАР. been banished from it, and who was supported by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the king, after an ample discussion of the case II. in the privy council, issued a proclamation not only justifying 1629. but commending the whole conduct of the provincial government, reprobating the prevalent reports that he " had no good opinion of that plantation," and engaging not only to maintain the privileges of its inhabitants, but to supply whatever else might contribute to their farther comfort and prosperity.1 From the terms of this document (of which no notice is taken by the writers inimical to the puritans), and from the whole complexion of the king's conduct towards the founders of this settlement, it would appear that, whatever designs he might secretly cherish of adding the subjugation of New England, at a future period, to that of his British and Virginian dominions, his policy at the present time was to persuade the leaders of the puritans, that if they would peaceably abandon the contest for their principles in England, they were at liberty to embody and enjoy them in whatever institutions they might think fit to establish in America. And yet some writers, whom it is impossible to tax with ignorance, as they had access to all the existing materials of information,—whom it would justly be held presumptuous to charge with defect of discernment, and whom it may, perhaps, appear uncharitable to reproach with malignity towards the puritans,—have not scrupled to accuse the founders of this colony of pursuing their purposes by a policy not less impudent than fraudful, and by acts of disobedience little short of rebellion. The colonists themselves, notwithstanding all the facilities which the king presented to them, and the unwonted liberality and consideration with which he showed himself willing to grace their departure from Britain, were so fully aware of his rooted enmity to their principles, and so little able to reconcile his present demeanour with his favourite policy, that they openly declared they had been conducted by Providence to a land of rest, through ways which they were contented to admire without comprehending; and that they could ascribe the blessings they obtained to nothing else than the special interposition of that Being who orders all the steps of his people, and holds |