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I see 't is nothing that affects my child:
Nought can do wrong, while the good Prince is near her.

Velas. He is no longer near her.

No! not near her ?
My dark surmises are at work again!
And yet thou sayest he has not wronged my child.

Velas. Thy child and he are wronged.

We'll right them, then!
Who did it? well!

The King!

How? How? Velas.

Despatched The prince to head his armies in the north, And, when his back was turned, convoked his council, And made them pass a formal act, declaring The marriage of thy daughter null and voiů.

Ruph. His right to his throne is void, if he breaks through
Religion and the laws, that fence my child !
There are men in Arragon! Alasco! Ay,-
I am a peasant, he is a king Great odds
But greater have grown even !Why, Alasco!

Alas. [Entering.] Here, father.
Ruph. [Recollecting himself at the sight of his son.]

Oh I called, did I?
Ruph. I did it without thinking,—well, Alasco ?

Well, father?
You called me, and I know you wanted me.
Speak out; and do not fear my rashness, father ;
Though there be cause for heat, I can be cool.

Your poor sister, boy!
Alas. What of my sister?

-Say, Velasquez, for My father can't or won't. Alma. [Enters with a number of other peasants.] Alas

Alas. Ay, now I'll hear it.

Tell it you, Velasquez!
Let it not come from him! He will heap fire
On fire.

Velas. Your sister is divorced, Alasco,
By edict of the men who guard the laws.

Alma. Who break the laws! Yes, the fair Prince Alonzo Royal Alonzo! weary of his wife-on pretext of command


From the King to lead his armies,—'t was contrived, -
A piece of villany, at the first sight,-left her.

Ruph. Thou liest.
Alma. [Furiously.) Liest!

Peace, Almagro! Nay,
Scowl not upon my father!--if you are angry
Brow me!

Alma. My dear Alasco !

Dear! how long ?
The Prince did never yet a double deed!
I would that I could say as much for thee!

Alma. For me! [Furiously.]

Again? May not an old man say
What he likes?

Ruph. I would all young men spoke as true!
Alas. Father! your child is shamed! That horrid word
Written on her brow, thou ’dst wish her dead ere read there:
Her! me! thyself! all kith and kin thou hast!
And can thy breast find room for other cause
Of hate, reviling, or revenge ?-If it can,
Mine can't.

Alma. No more can mine. I have no foes
Save those who wrong thy sister ! none will I have!
Give me thy hand, Velasquez, and be friends.

Velas. I could be friends with him bespoke me foul;
I could be friends with him that gave me blows;
But with the friend who failed me in the need
He should and could have helped, I'll ne'er be

Alma. By Heaven! Velasquez. [Furiously.]

Do you rage again?
Or did I dream you do? Friends, if not friends
Among yourselves, waive jars awhile for me!
Who is the caitiff, be it not the man
Laws civil and religious cannot bind? What should be

done to such,
Ay, say he wore a crown?

He should be stripped on't -
Caged in a mine,-yea, mulcted to the cost
Of his life!

Ruph. O no-no-no! He should be made
To render back their rights to those from whom
He wrested them,—no more. That's justice, sir;
The rest is vengeance, which belongs to Heaven, not sin-

ful things like men! Alas.

We'll master him, Then deal with him.


My son, you will not then
Be masters of yourselves !

No fear of us!

to the villages ! and every man
Call out his friends, and bring them where we 'll meet
In one o'erwhelming mass !

Alas. Let's consult. [Retires a little with Almagro.]

Ruph. Back-back, Velasquez, as thou lovest me!
Back to the capital ! find out my

child! Apprize her of what's coming She may need To be upon


guard. I'll do as much For thee.- Meanwhile, I 'll get me ready, friend, And follow thee with all the speed I can.

[Velasquez goes out.] Alas. Alma. At the cross ! [The rest echo these words,

exclaiming,] · At the cross !! Alma. Now for redress of common grievances :Burdens should not be borne, we'll cast them off!

Peas. We will !

Alas. One signal wrong does better than
Tocsins, my friends, to call bold men to arms !

Peas. To arms!
Ruph. Hear me, my boy! Alasco! O, my son !

Alas. I am thy son; and for that very reason
I will not hear thee, while my sister suffers
An injury and a shame.—To arms! to arms!
[All except Ruphino rush out, crying, To arms ! to arms.']


Clay. [See introductory remarks on preceding exercises in declamation.]

South Carolina has attempted to defeat the execution of the laws of the United States. But, it seems that, under all the circumstances of the case, she has, for the present, determined to stop here, in order that by our legislation, we may prevent the necessity of her advancing any further.

The memorable first of February is past. I confess I did feel an unconquerable repugnance to legislation until that day should have passed, because of the consequences that were to ensue. I hoped that the day would go over well. I feel, and I think that we must all confess, we breathe a freer air than when the restraint was upon us.

But this is not the only consideration. South Carolina has practically postponed her ordinance, instead of letting it go into effect, till the fourth of March. Nobody who has noticed the course of events, can doubt that she will postpone it by still further legislation, if Congress should rise without any settlement of this question. I was going to say, my life on it, she will postpone it to a period subsequent to the fourth of March. It is in the natural course of events. South Carolina must perceive the embarrassments of her situation. She must be desirous—it is unnatural to suppose that she is not—to remain in the Union.

What! a State whose heroes in its gallant ancestry fought so many glorious battles along with those of the other States of this Union,-a State with which this confederacy is linked by bonds of such a powerful character !

I have sometimes fancied what would be her condition if she goes out of this Union! if her five hundred thousand people should at once be thrown upon their own resources. She is out of the Union. What is the consequence ? She is an independent power. What then does she do? She must have armies and fleets, and an expensive government -have foreign missions—she must raise taxes-enact this very tariff, which had driven her out of the Union, in order to enable her to raise money, and to sustain the attitude of an independent power. If she should have no force, no navy to protect her, she would be exposed to piratical incursions. Her neighbour, St. Domingo, might pour down a horde of pirates on her borders, and desolate her plantations. She must have her embassies, therefore must she have a revenue.

But I will not dwell on this topic any longer. I say it is utterly impossible that South Carolina ever desired, for a moment, to become a separate and independent State. I would repeat that, under all the circumstances of the case, the condition of South Carolina is only one of the elements of a combination, the whole of which together, constitutes a motive of action which renders it expedient to resort, during the present session of Congress, to some measure, in order to quiet and tranquillize the country.

If there be any who want civil war—who want to see the blood of any portion of our countrymen spilt, I am not one of them,-I wish to see war of no kind; but, above all, do I not desire to see a civil war. When war begins, whether civil or foreign, no human foresight is competent to foresee when, or how, or where it is to terminate. But when a civil war shall be lighted up in the bosom of our own happy land,

and armies are marching, and commanders are winning their victories, and fleets are in motion on our coast,-tell me, if you can, tell me if any human being can tell, its duration ? God alone knows where such a war will end. In what state will be left our institutions? In what state our liberties? I want no war: above all, no war at home.

Sir, I repeat, that I think South Carolina has been rash, intemperate, and greatly in the wrong; but I do not want to disgrace her, nor any other member of this Union. No; I do not desire to see the lustre of one single star dimmed of that glorious confederacy which constitutes our political sun; still less do I wish to see it blotted out, and its light obliterated forever. Has not the State of South Carolina been on of the members of this Union in days that tried men's souls ?' Have not her ancestors fought by the side of our ancestors ? Have we not conjointly won many a glorious battle?

If we had to go into a civil war with such a State, how would it terminate? Whenever it should have terminated, what would be her condition? If she should ever return to the Union, what would be the condition of her feelings and affections,—what the state of the heart of her people ? She has been with us before, when our ancestors mingled in the throng of battle; and, as I hope, our prosperity will mingle with hers for ages and centuries to come, in the united defence of liberty; and for the honour and glory of the Union, I do not wish to see her degraded, or defaced, as a member of this confederacy.

In conclusion, allow me to entreat and implore each individual member of this body to bring into the consideration of this measure, which I have had the honour of proposing, the same love of country which, if I know myself, has actuated me; and the same desire for restoring harmony to the Union, which has prompted this effort. If we can forget for a moment --but that would be asking too much of human nature-if we could suffer, for one moment, party feeling and party causes,-and, as I stand here before my God, I declare I have looked beyond those considerations, and regarded only the vast interests of this united people,--I should hope that, under such feelings and with such dispositions, we may advantageously proceed to the consideration of this bill, and heal, before they are yet bleeding, the wounds of our distracted country.

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