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I see 't is nothing that affects my child:
Velas. He is no longer near her.
No! not near her ?
Velas. Thy child and he are wronged.
We'll right them, then!
How? How? Velas.
Despatched The prince to head his armies in the north, And, when his back was turned, convoked his council, And made them pass a formal act, declaring The marriage of thy daughter null and voiů.
Ruph. His right to his throne is void, if he breaks through
Alas. [Entering.] Here, father.
Oh I called, did I?
Your poor sister, boy!
-Say, Velasquez, for My father can't or won't. Alma. [Enters with a number of other peasants.] Alas
Tell it you, Velasquez!
Velas. Your sister is divorced, Alasco,
Alma. Who break the laws! Yes, the fair Prince Alonzo Royal Alonzo! weary of his wife-on pretext of command
From the King to lead his armies,—'t was contrived, -
Ruph. Thou liest.
Peace, Almagro! Nay,
Alma. My dear Alasco !
Dear! how long ?
Alma. For me! [Furiously.]
Again? May not an old man say
Ruph. I would all young men spoke as true!
Alma. No more can mine. I have no foes
Velas. I could be friends with him bespoke me foul;
Alma. By Heaven! Velasquez. [Furiously.]
Do you rage again?
done to such,
He should be stripped on't -
Ruph. O no-no-no! He should be made
ful things like men! Alas.
We'll master him, Then deal with him.
My son, you will not then
No fear of us!
to the villages ! and every man
Ruph. Back-back, Velasquez, as thou lovest me!
child! Apprize her of what's coming She may need To be upon
guard. I'll do as much For thee.- Meanwhile, I 'll get me ready, friend, And follow thee with all the speed I can.
[Velasquez goes out.] Alas. Alma. At the cross ! [The rest echo these words,
exclaiming,] · At the cross !! Alma. Now for redress of common grievances :Burdens should not be borne, we'll cast them off!
Peas. We will !
Alas. One signal wrong does better than
Peas. To arms!
Alas. I am thy son; and for that very reason
EXERCISE LXIII.-SPEECH ON THE REVENUE BILL OF 1833.
Clay. [See introductory remarks on preceding exercises in declamation.]
South Carolina has attempted to defeat the execution of the laws of the United States. But, it seems that, under all the circumstances of the case, she has, for the present, determined to stop here, in order that by our legislation, we may prevent the necessity of her advancing any further.
The memorable first of February is past. I confess I did feel an unconquerable repugnance to legislation until that day should have passed, because of the consequences that were to ensue. I hoped that the day would go over well. I feel, and I think that we must all confess, we breathe a freer air than when the restraint was upon us.
But this is not the only consideration. South Carolina has practically postponed her ordinance, instead of letting it go into effect, till the fourth of March. Nobody who has noticed the course of events, can doubt that she will postpone it by still further legislation, if Congress should rise without any settlement of this question. I was going to say, my life on it, she will postpone it to a period subsequent to the fourth of March. It is in the natural course of events. South Carolina must perceive the embarrassments of her situation. She must be desirous—it is unnatural to suppose that she is not—to remain in the Union.
What! a State whose heroes in its gallant ancestry fought so many glorious battles along with those of the other States of this Union,-a State with which this confederacy is linked by bonds of such a powerful character !
I have sometimes fancied what would be her condition if she goes out of this Union! if her five hundred thousand people should at once be thrown upon their own resources. She is out of the Union. What is the consequence ? She is an independent power. What then does she do? She must have armies and fleets, and an expensive government -have foreign missions—she must raise taxes-enact this very tariff, which had driven her out of the Union, in order to enable her to raise money, and to sustain the attitude of an independent power. If she should have no force, no navy to protect her, she would be exposed to piratical incursions. Her neighbour, St. Domingo, might pour down a horde of pirates on her borders, and desolate her plantations. She must have her embassies, therefore must she have a revenue.
But I will not dwell on this topic any longer. I say it is utterly impossible that South Carolina ever desired, for a moment, to become a separate and independent State. I would repeat that, under all the circumstances of the case, the condition of South Carolina is only one of the elements of a combination, the whole of which together, constitutes a motive of action which renders it expedient to resort, during the present session of Congress, to some measure, in order to quiet and tranquillize the country.
If there be any who want civil war—who want to see the blood of any portion of our countrymen spilt, I am not one of them,-I wish to see war of no kind; but, above all, do I not desire to see a civil war. When war begins, whether civil or foreign, no human foresight is competent to foresee when, or how, or where it is to terminate. But when a civil war shall be lighted up in the bosom of our own happy land,
and armies are marching, and commanders are winning their victories, and fleets are in motion on our coast,-tell me, if you can, tell me if any human being can tell, its duration ? God alone knows where such a war will end. In what state will be left our institutions? In what state our liberties? I want no war: above all, no war at home.
Sir, I repeat, that I think South Carolina has been rash, intemperate, and greatly in the wrong; but I do not want to disgrace her, nor any other member of this Union. No; I do not desire to see the lustre of one single star dimmed of that glorious confederacy which constitutes our political sun; still less do I wish to see it blotted out, and its light obliterated forever. Has not the State of South Carolina been on of the members of this Union in days that tried men's souls ?' Have not her ancestors fought by the side of our ancestors ? Have we not conjointly won many a glorious battle?
If we had to go into a civil war with such a State, how would it terminate? Whenever it should have terminated, what would be her condition? If she should ever return to the Union, what would be the condition of her feelings and affections,—what the state of the heart of her people ? She has been with us before, when our ancestors mingled in the throng of battle; and, as I hope, our prosperity will mingle with hers for ages and centuries to come, in the united defence of liberty; and for the honour and glory of the Union, I do not wish to see her degraded, or defaced, as a member of this confederacy.
In conclusion, allow me to entreat and implore each individual member of this body to bring into the consideration of this measure, which I have had the honour of proposing, the same love of country which, if I know myself, has actuated me; and the same desire for restoring harmony to the Union, which has prompted this effort. If we can forget for a moment --but that would be asking too much of human nature-if we could suffer, for one moment, party feeling and party causes,-and, as I stand here before my God, I declare I have looked beyond those considerations, and regarded only the vast interests of this united people,--I should hope that, under such feelings and with such dispositions, we may advantageously proceed to the consideration of this bill, and heal, before they are yet bleeding, the wounds of our distracted country.