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should have formed a matter of uniform attention. Admitting the propriety of thus fuccessively augmenting the navy, there are two modes in which the object may be effected. The one is by building in his Majesty's dock-yards, and the other by contracting for ships in the yards of private merchants. From the history of the navy of this country, for a long feries of years, it is clear that the mode of building ships of the line in the yards of the merchants is that which has been most generally resorted to. I believe, Sir, I am not carrying my affertion too far when I'affirm that for a great number of years, upwards of two thirds of the ships of the line in his Majesty's navy, were built in the dock yards of the merchants. Any man that knows any thing at all of naval affairs knows that the supplies to the navy from the King's dock yards are quite inconfiderable, and that of the ships built the greater part confift of vessels of an inferior description, in point of force, in any of his Majesty's fleets. During the late war no less than twentyfix fail of the line were added to the navy; but, Sir, these were not composed of thips built in his Majesty's yards in the course of the war, but of vessels, fome of which had been laid down, five, nine or ten years before the war commenced. There were not out of this number more than two thips which were laid down in the King's dock yards after the war broke out, and they were not brought into service till a late period of its duration. What, then, is the inference from these facts? The inference I draw from it is simple. It is, that if supplies of ships may be required during the continuance of the war, and if there is no probability of procuring these supplies through the King's dock yards, the yards of the private merchants must be resorted to. But if I am not grossly mifinformed, the Board of Admiralty have made no contracts to any extent for fupplying any deficiency in the navy, which may occur in the course of a very few years of the war. This is a fubject on which to affect concealment would be quite ridiculous. From the very nature of the contracts, and the mode in which they are invited by public advertisement, every man who has the leaft curiofity on the fubject, may without difficulty have it gratified. He may even afcertain not only what is the number of vessels contracted for, but the places where they are to be built, the terms on which they are contracted for, and the time when it is expected they may be ready for actual service. Having taken fome pains to inquire into this matter, I cannot find that since the year 1801, when the present Board of Admiralty

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ralty came into power, more than two ships of the line have been contracted for in any of the merchant yards. When I ftate this, it strikes me that I cannot urge a stronger argument for inquiry into this subject. If it is at all times an efsential object that our navy should be kept in a conftant state of effective strength adequate to any extraordinary emergency which might take place if this was at all times a moft important object, it was furely, Sir, more peculiarly the duty of the Admiralty at the conclufion of the late peace. At that time an establishment of fifty thoufand feamen was voted by Parliament, and furely nothing can be a stronger proof of an idea that the peace was not likely to be of long duration. Minifters befides, according to their own ftatements, owned that the whole conduct of the French Government had been one uniform feries of infult and aggreffion. With this knowledge, how comes it to pass, Sir, that no exertion was made to repair those losses in the navy which a war of ten years neceffarily produced? We find that only two new ships of the line are contracted for at this moment; and it will not be denied that many more years must elapfe before any confiderable fupply could be obtained. It ought not to be forgotten, that in time of war the building of thips of the line in the King's dock yards must be in a great measure fufpended? On what poffible ground then, Sir, is it that the dock yards of the merchants are left unemployed? If I am not mifinformed, there are at this time on the River no fewer than fourteen flips fit for building ships of war, not one of which is put into use. On this point the neceffity for inquiry appears to me so urgent, that without further arguing it, I shall only ftate, that I mean to move that an humble address be presented to his Majefty, praying that the proper officer be ordered to lay on the table the orders issued by the Board of Admiralty for the building of new ships of war in 1793 and fince 1801, diftinguishing the places where to be built and the period in which they were to be finished. I should think the information still more fatisfactory if the account included a statement of the different species of veffels; but as this may appear liable to fome objection, I shall not press it on the prefent occafion. If in all former wars the navy has derived its chief supplies from the merchants' yards, I should on the production of the account now referred to, beg leave to put it to the House, on what ground it is that now, when a fupply is most imperioufly required, only two ships of war are on the stocks in merchants' yards? This is a matter on which it strikes me that Parliament ought strongly to express their opinion. If an adequate cause exifts, let that cause be stated; if no cause exifts, then let this inconvenience be removed. A noble Lord, a friend of mine (Lord Caftlereagh), a few days ago told the House a great deal about the comparative force of our navy at this moment and in former wars. The statement then given was quite general, and could not be made the ground of any particular conclufion. But there is one point to which I think it right at present to advert, as it tends to disprove one part of the noble Lord's arguments. I mean to refer to the number of seamen now employed, contrasted with the number at the commencement of the last war. At the breaking out of the last war our naval force was on a peace establishment, and the number of seamen employed was not more than 16,000. A very short time prior to the rupture an augmentation of two thousand men took place. At the end of the first year of the war this number was augmented to no less than seventyfix thousand, though the means of augmentation were not at all fo extensive as those now in existence. At the commencement of the present war we fet out with an establishment of fifty thousand seamen, and Ministers must have entertained the profpect of a rupture from hour to hour. Under fuch circumstances, and with fuch a prospect, what has been the result? Minifters certainly had every inducement to increase the number of seamen, and they were furnished with every means for that purpose. At the commencement of the rupture, in consequence of the prodigious increase of our commerce, the mercantile marine of the country, the great nurfery for the navy, had increased in an astonishing degree. With the use of all these advantages the number of seamen, which at the commencement of the war was fifty thousand, had not been augmented to more than eighty-fix thousand. In the one cafe there was an augmentation from fixteen to feventy-fix thousand; in the other from fifty the number had only risen to eighty-fix thousand. In the one case the augmentation was more than in the proportion of five to one, whereas in the other it was not even double, but was about three fourths beyond the original amount. This, Sir, is a statement on which I am not at present disposed to comment, but when the statement of the noble Lord a few days ago is confidered, it is proper that the matter should be fairly brought to issue. The right hon. Gentleman concluded by a few general observations, stating, that he wished the production

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of the papers at present, merely as preparatory to future inquiry; and intimated that he meant to move for an account of the number of seamen in the first year of the last and prefent war.

The first of the motions relative to the comparative amount of the naval force of the country in 1793, and at the present moment, was then put from the chair.

Mr. I ierney rose, and replied in substance as follows:I must request the attention of the House for a short time, while I endeavour to reply to a few of the obfervations of the right hon. Gentleman who has introduced this discussion. I am sensible under what disadvantages any man must labour who attempts to arrest the attention of the Houfe while the eloquence of the right hon. Gentleman is still fresh in their recollection. A sense of my public duty, however, induces me to disregard this consideration at the present moment, and fairly to deliver my sentiments on the question. I have no difficulty then in declaring, that the motion of the right hon. Gentleman does appear to me one of the most extraordinary which ever was fubmitted to this House. It strikes me as a motion, the only tendency of which is to produce an effect which every honest man must deplore, to engender discontents in the country from one end to the other, to shake the confidence which the people have hitherto been inclined to repose in the Government, to create doubts of the fufficiency of that force which they have at all times looked up to as the firmest pillar of national fecurity. What is more extraordinary still is, that the only object which the right hon. Gentleman has in view is to declare to the public his opinion of the noble Lord who prefides over the Board of Adıniralty. Where proper grounds are made out for inquiry into the conduct and character of public men, I shall never be backward in supporting motions which have this end in view; but where no events have taken place which could excite fufpicion, where there was not the flightest disposition to cenfure out of doors- [Here the right hon. Genteman was interrupted by a loud cry of bear! hear! from the oppofite fide of the House] - I am resuning, faid he-fomewhat astonished at this very loud expression of opinion on the other fide of the House-but I must beg the liberty of repeating my former expreffion: I will go further, and challenge any Gentleman in this House to point out the particular district in the country where the flightest symptom of difcontent with the measures of Government has been manifested. ed. [Ano her loud cry of hear! hear! I am ready, Sir, to admit that in this House there is abundance of turbulence and noise, but when I go from this House into public, I am at a loss to account for so much violence among a few individuals, while in the country all is calm and tranquil. Gentle men may choose to express their disapprobation of the opinions I offer; but this shall not in the flightest degree deter me from-candidly offering my sentiments. I declare then that to me there does not appear to be a fingle parliamentary ground laid for any fufpicion of the conduct the Board of Admiralty. The usual grounds for inquiries into the naval department have been, that convoys have been captured or unnecessarily postponed; that the enemy's fleets have escaped, or been fuffered with impunity to collect their force'; that they have been able to effect partial landings on our coaft; or that fome instance of flagrant neglect had been exhibited. But not one of these can now be brought forward as arguments for inquiry. At a time when commerce is protected to a degree beyond almost all precedent; when all those best acquainted with military affairs are fatisfied; when the country, with the exception of a few individuals here, repose the fullest confidence in the talents of the noble Lord at the head of the Admiralty; when there was a general perfuafion of the conduct of Ministers being marked with energy and with wisdom, I should wish to ask the House if this is the fit moment for introducing such a motion as the right hon. Gentleman has thought proper to bring forward? I am really, Sir, at a loss to know how long ago it is since the right hon. Gentleman changed his opinion of the noble Lord, against whom he now directs his attack with so much zeal. I need not remind him of the eulogium which three years ago he paffed on the noble Lord's character and profeffional talents. I need not recall to his remembrance his declaration, that whatever doubts might be entertained of the talents of this or that perfon, of Lord St Vincent's abilities it was impossible to entertain a doubt. Whatever might be other people's defects, Lord St. Vincent was the man whom the public at large looked up to, naturally and neceffarily, as the perfon fittest to preside over the Admiralty at a period of the moft trying difficulties. Whatever reasons the right hon. Gentleman now has for changing his opinion, I believe on my confcience that the opinion of the country is not changed, but that their confidence, great as it was at his acceffion to power, has been augmented, instead of diminished, by the.

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