CHAPTER VI.

THE CAMPAIGN OF 1852-PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION-THE CANDIDATES THE MEN-LAST OF THE WHIGS-THE BALLOT-BOX AND THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE.

THE

HE differences between the Whig and Democrat "platforms" were not very great substantially, and on the Compromise and slavery questions they were almost identical. Still it must be apparent to any careful reader that the great, the paramount issue of this campaign was that of human slavery. Many Northern Whigs were not satisfied with the platform, all of the Free-soil Whigs were disappointed in the slavery "plank;" and many Northern Conservative Whigs were dissatisfied with General Scott, as they believed that the extreme wing of the party had secured his nomination. The general drift of the Democratic leaders towards the toleration and support of the demands of slavery drove the few Free-soil Democrats into the ranks of the Free Democracy, which in this election was virtually the Abolition party. This sectional organization came into great importance at this time; and even now nothing like its real strength was exhibited. In the South the belief that the Free-soil influence had secured the nomination of General Scott carried many Whigs into the Democratic camp. And the

final hope that under Pierce the interests of the South would at least be temporarily safe, to some extent, pacified the Southern sectional party, the State-Rights and secession. But the question of slavery was now inseparable in some form from political action in either section. The South demanded it. The Northern Free-soilers and Abolitionists demanded it. The Democratic party in the North had no desire to thwart the purposes of the South as to the cherished institution; and the Whigs could not do so, if they wished. They could not even hint at gradual emancipation. The two great parties in the North were now slaves of slave policy, from which there was no escape but in death; and this alternative overtook the Whigs without their choice. But from whatever source it came, from the agitators of the North or the aggressive and unfriendly demands and spirit of the South, the evident and determined grasping after more territory and more slavery privileges, the fact still remains that the deep, real issue at this time was human slavery. It was the real source of political and sectional strife. It was the only source of danger to the Union. It had originally been the deep-seated source of anxiety as to the perpetuity of the Union, together with a proper balance of State and national power. In 1820 it was the real source of dissension and danger. In 1832 it was at the foundation of nullification. In 1850 it was on the point of dividing the country. In 1856 it became the open subject of conflict; and at the next quadrennial Presidential campaign it was the rock on

which the Democratic party itself divided; and finally the only real and then absolutely unreconcilable cause of the war which resulted in its destruction. No matter what number of apologies, buts, and ifs are thrown around the history of slavery in the United States, it still remains an indubitable fact, which it would be wholly unnecessary, if not the height of folly, in any man at this day to attempt to shield or cover, or deny, that without human slavery these great dissensions of half a century, and finally the War of the Rebellion, would never have occurred.

The following letter, read at the close of the great Cotton Exposition at Atlanta, Georgia, in December, 1881, while pointing with no feeling of uncertainty to the future, gives the true verdict of this period as to the troubles of the past:

"WASHINGTON, D. C., December 23, 1881.

"DEAR SIR,-It is a source of sincere regret with me that I am not able to visit your Cotton Exposition in response to the very cordial invitation with which I have been honored. The pressure of public and private engagements has rendered it impossible.

"I congratulate the people of Georgia and of the whole country upon the great success that has attended the enterprise. It is evidence of a reconstruction of material prosperity throughout the South that is gratifying to every patriotic man. Good government is essential to prosperity among the people; and, in truth, prosperity among the people is the safest guarantee of good government. Discontent will always breed disorder. Contentment upholds the reign of law.

"For forty years preceding the late war the Northern

and Southern people were continually growing apart, with different aims and different interests, cherishing different hopes and looking to different destinies. In the last few years they have been coming together, and it is safe to say that at no time since the slavery agitation of 1820 have they been as closely united and as cordially related as to-day. We have a stronger, broader, deeper patriotism and a loftier and worthier pride in the citizenship of the great Republic. We have one country, and it is our country.

"From Maine to Georgia' once typified the extremes of the Union, as it did the extremes of antagonism. Maine and Georgia can now interchange visits in a single week; and let there be no strife between us, 'for we be brethren.' "Sincerely yours, JAMES G. BLAINE."

The campaign of 1852 had some features peculiar to itself; but in the main it was "tame” and uneventful. There was little in either of the leading candidates to awaken enthusiasm.

In speaking of the lukewarmness of the Presidential contest and the "Women's Rights" movement, "The New York Herald" said that there was really more interest evinced by the public in "petticoats and pantalets." When, indeed, has there been a period in the history of this country when, perhaps, both men and women have not been more amused and occupied with these two things than any or all other sublunary matters?

On Tuesday, August 17, 1852, "The New York Herald" said editorially:

:

"The acute observer of passing events has a fine field for study in the present aspect and bearing of the Pres

idential campaign. He can not fail to be struck with the absence of anything like popular enthusiasm, as respects the candidates themselves, the value of the prize in dispute, and the result of the contest. Violent efforts have been made by either (each) party to create a popular furor in favor of one or the other of the candidates; but they have been complete failures.

"The fact is, there never has been such a ludicrous, ridiculous, and uninteresting Presidential campaign in this country since it ceased to be a British Province, as the present one is, although the politicians have been straining every nerve to get up an excitement and enlist the populat feelings in the strife. They have been puffing and blowing in every direction, but all they can do they can not get up the steam; the people only laugh at them, and continue proof against all their attempts to bamboozle them. All the old experiments have been tried to arouse them from their indifference; but all to no purpose...

"The exciting shout of 'Old Hickory' carried General Jackson into the White House. General Harrison was borne in on the huzza of

'Old Tippecanoe and Tyler, too,'

backed by the fun and enthusiasm got up by hard cider and log cabins. The Texas question made the Polk campaign a stirring one, and in the last Presidential election, the expectation of the renewal of war was the winning card for General Taylor. But the present campaign is horridly dull and stupid, and has nothing whatever to recommend it to a people fond of novelties and excitement."

It was said that General Scott had secured his nomination by a letter which was read in the Whig Convention, accepting the "platform." This was a mistake, however, although it was understood that he would accept it. But his nomination was unsat