happened.81 "It appears in my articles on the election of 1890," continued DuBose, "as plain as day that the following of Captain Kolb anticipated and prepared for the Opera House convention." "It shows," said he, "that the gravamen of the argument was the common rule of apportionment for representation in the state convention" and the fact that the State Executive Commitee had power to pass upon the credentials of county delegates.82 It was clearer than ever that the Republicans, from Washington down, rejoiced over the schism among the Democrats and that they would support Kolb in the election.83 With only a few exceptions they worked for Kolb and it was no mean support to have the aid of postmasters, United States marshals, district attorneys and private citizens of Republican faith.84 Indeed positive evidence was at hand showing that by formal, written agreement the Jeffersonians, that is the "Demopulites," had agreed to vote for Harrison electors in November, 1892, if the Republicans would put out no state ticket and would support the Kolb faction in the August election. The National Republican Committee was also to furnish financial aid.85 "Shall Kolb rule or ruin" became the cry. The Democrats, seeing a herculean task ahead, tried hard to win back the bolters. Many good farmers had been misled 81 News, June 7, 1892; Calera Journal, June 7, 1892; DuBose, Article No. 110. J. W. DuBose in a private letter to Judge T. G. Jones, March 15, 1914, said there had probably not been an hour since the momentous convention of 1890 that Kolb and Adams "did not intend (if unable to win otherwise) to precipitate this conflict." 82 News, June 14, 1892. The Selma Journal made the interesting comment: Mr. Kolb may not have raised Mr. Guice's cotton weights; he may not have charged the state with railroad fares that he never paid; he may not have charged the state with fertilizer bags that he sold and converted the proceeds to his own use. But Mr. Kolb has committed a crime greater than all of them. He has sold or attempted to sell his party, his race, his blood to the negroes and Radicals. Having for five years set himself up as the self-constituted candidate of the farmers for governor, and failing to get the nomination in the primary and convention, he was now attempting to "Mahonize” Alabama. The Democrats contended that it was equivalent to joining the Republicans and inviting the Force Bill. 83 News, July 2, 14, 16, 24, 30, 1892; News, June 6, 18, 1892; Advertiser, July 1, 5, 8, 1892. 84 Advertiser, Aug. 10, 1892. 85 News, July 5, 6, 8, 16, 23, 24, 1894; Advertiser, July 5, 8, 1892; also Advertiser, Feb. 21, March 6, and July 13, 1894. 86 and it was believed they would now see their mistake and remain true to Democracy.8 Kolb's forces cried down with the boss and the machine, yet the Democrats claimed Kolb to be the one great, self-constituted boss, wrecking the Alliance and deceiving the farmers for his own political preferment. Much was made of the secret order, Brother Adams' "Gideon's Band," within the Alliance as evidence of Kolb's determination to win or ruin.87 While the Jones followers were lauding his sound business achievements urging all true men to stand by the party, and predicting the direst chaos should Kolb be elected, Kolb and his mixed group were scouring the state, raising all the furor possible. Particularly fanatical and demagogic was P. C. Bowman with his "ballot, bayonet and blood" policy.88 This fire-eating demagog89 ranted, threatened, and coaxed the negroes to go to the polls with knives, razors and muskets and to see that a free ballot and a fair count were secured.90 B. K. Collier, Republican candidate for attorney-general on the "Demopulite" ticket was another Radical, who saw that an exaggerated account of the speeches of Kolb's men got into the New York Tribune. The big idea was to deceive the Republican National Committee to get funds, for Kolb's printing bills were not yet paid.91 Bowman urged in his speeches at Opelika-fertile soil-that the farmers "throw off the yoke of the Bourbons.' Davis of Fayette proclaimed it a contest between "plutocrats and the working people."92 Davis and the Kolb group trying to befriend the negro denounced bitterly the thirteenth plank of the Democratic platform (for election reforms) as an effort to disfranchise all poor and non-college men. He railed, too, against black belt strength saying Dallas had 1100 whites with 26 delegates to the state convention, while Fayette had 1800 whites and only 4 delegates.98 86 News, July 24, 1892. 87 News, June 27, 1892; Advertiser, June 29, 1892, July 6, 15, 1892; for a full account of Gideon's Band, see Advertiser, July 6, 10, 15, 22, 1892. 88 Advertiser, July 19, 1892. 89 Advertiser, July 19, 1892. 90 Advertiser, July 5, 13, 16, 17, 19, 1892; News, July 16, 17, 30, 1892. 91 Advertiser, July 19, 1892. 92 Advertiser, July 5, 1892. 93 Advertiser, June 25, 1892; News, June 6, 1912, and July 23, 28, 1892. The more enlightened negroes were skeptical, and several colored Jones Clubs were formed. The Republican Echo, colored paper in Birmingham, urged the negroes to stay free from the spider's web. Democrats were implored to register and vote against the fusion of "Kolbites-Republicans-Third Partyites-Ex-Greenbackers - Scalawags-Rag-Tails and Bobtails."94 These might vote for Weaver but no Democrat would. Already Kolb was accused of having on foot a scheme to elect legislators favorable to him so that if defeated at the polls he might ask a "Rump Legislature” to seat him as governor.95 August 1 arrived and "the most important election since 1874 was over." Jones and the Democratic ticket had won. Organized, true blue Democracy had again triumphed, and the state's progress would not be turned backward. Yet Jones' majority96 was only 11,435 out of a total vote of 242,483. This majority was about oneeighth that of 1890. A small majority but not so bad when it is considered that from the first Jones had been on the defensive. He was an accidental candidate in 1890 and had always to explain how his 45 delegates could make him governor. Furthermore all political opponents voted against him. More than 4,000 more votes were cast for governor than for any other office. But all talk of sixty or a hundred thousand majority was a joke. Yet, the Jasper Eagle reflected: "The Good Lord has certainly smiled upon us once."97 With Jones 98 the entire Democratic ticket had been elected, including a majority of the legislators.99 Yet Kolb claimed he had won by 40,000 majority and been robbed or counted out again, and would contest the election in the legislature and have it seat him as governor.100 There is no question that Kolb received 101 not only the 94 News, July 8, 1892; Advertiser, July 23, 1892. 95 News, July, 7, 19, 1892. 96 Advertiser, Nov. 18, 1892; News, August 1, 9, 12; Nov. 18, 1892; DuBose Article No. 113; Brown, Alabama, p. 312. 97 News, June 8, 12, 15, 1892. 98 The Alabama election was pivotal. Alabama sounded the bugle note. It was the first state of the year to test out the combined opposition strength. Had Jones not won in August, there is little telling what Alabama and the South might have done in the national election in November. (Advertiser, March 10, 1893.) 99 Brown, Alabama, p. 312; Haynes, Third Parties, p. 264. 100 News, Aug. 9, 1892; Brown, Alabama, p. 312. 101 Haynes, Third Parties, p. 264; Advertiser, Nov. 18, 1892; News, Aug. 15, 1892. Third party votes, but the Republican vote as well. About sixty thousand more votes were cast than in the ordinary biennial election. Never had the Democratic vote run to such a total as those figures.102 With the Democratic party split and all malcontents ready to register their opposition against the party, what might be expected in the November election? Jones' small victory in August brought many to realize that defeat in the Congressional and Presidential election was possible. With a view to clarifying the air and harmonizing the two dissenting groups, the Democratic State Executive Committee held a meeting in Montgomery, August 11. Since some Democrats had failed to support the nominee August 1, it was necessary to set rules for participation in the November election. The committee, in an effort to harmonize the warring factions, decreed that those who had not supported Jones would not be read out of the party but were on equal terms in the party with Jones' supporters if they acted in harmony and supported the nominee in the November election.103 This was a good start "to get together." "Recognition, Concession, Harmony" became the Democratic slogan, especially of the Birmingham News and many of the leaders. The Advertiser wished to read the Riot Act to the News which had so suddenly begun to cry harmony and down with the bosses.104 The rank and file of both factions were ready to conciliate, yet the bosses in both groups were said to oppose compromise-the offices being too few to go around. The governor followed the advice of some of his friends and issued a public letter urging conciliation and saneness.105 Some Kolb supporters who had aided him as personal friends, as Alliancemen, and as 102 DuBose, Article No. 113, in Jones, Scrap Book, V, p. 107. From 1892 till today friends and foes of the respective candidates have waxed hot over the correct vote, and especially as to its distribution. It is very commonly heard even today among the masses that Kolb was elected but counted out in 1892 and 1894. Colonel Gates thought Jones received a majority of the white votes but that Kolb carried a majority of the white counties. The Advertiser thought Jones received two-thirds of the Democratic and also a majority of the white vote of the state and that Kolb majorities were largely the negro and Republican votes. The News thought Jones probably got more negro votes and Kolb the majority of white votes. (Advertiser, Aug. 10, 11, 18, 1892; News, Aug. 9, 18, 1892.) 103 News, Aug. 12, 15, 1892. opponents of boss rule, now began to fall in line again with the regulation Democrats.106 The News' conciliatory scheme was quite different from P. C. Bowman's plan to have the election results arbitrated to see whether Jones or Kolb should become governor! Jones' re-election said the News, was un fait accomplis and settled, but the door was wide open for future harmony. Those who had left the party might now return through the door they had left the party. The test was to be their vote in the November election. But would the Kolb faction accept the verdict of the August election and return to organized Democracy? Or would "R (un) F(orever) Kolb,"-now thoroughly trained on the race track,-continue to cry fraud and perpetuate his factional fight, spreading discord and disharmony throughout the state? Would he now make good his threat in his letter of April 22, 1892, to W. H. Welch by falling heart and soul into the People's party which had been organized by J. C. Manning at Ashland, Clay county, April 10, 1892? There had as yet been nothing but hard sledding for this simon-pure, middle-of-the-road wing of the Populists of which "Apostle" Manning and Gaither were said to constitute two-thirds, the other third being "fearfully scattered." Yet, in its several conventions Manning, Gaither and A. P. Longshore had predicted that they would manifest a strength undreamed of by the old parties. Longshore had said: "We are young, but our banner will soon wave in triumph over the United States."107 Was not this the most propituous moment for Kolb to jump fully into the Populist party instead of continuing to fight as a Populist under the name of a Democrat? Now that the National People's party had been definitely launched at Omaha,108 July 4, 1892, with General J. B. ("Jumping Jim") Weaver of Iowa and General J. G. Field of Virginia as candidates for Presi 106 News, Aug. 10, 13, 1892. 107 News, April 15, 19, 25 and June 23, 1892; Advertiser, July 5, 1892. Judge Longshore has been a Republican since the nineties. Professor S. M. Dinkins, an ardent Populist, says: “I was present at the meeting in Shelby county where it was agreed to form the party. I was the only man to speak against a new party. I advised capturing the Democratic party. I did not join the new party because I indorsed all of its principles or that I thought it would succeed. I foretold at the meeting its ultimate failure. It was a protest movement, though, and I wanted to hurl some bolts at the old parties." 108 Shippee, pp. 185, 191; Buck, The Agrarian Crusade, p. 144. |