ed by the Populists to fuse in the next state election. The convention had been in continuous session thirteen hours, when at 5 A.M., April 29, it was agreed that the Republicans would "coöperate" with the Populists, if the latter would nominate J. W. Smith of Birmingham for Attorney-General and L. F. Grimmet of Macon for Secretary of State. After a five-hour wrangle on April 29 the Populists accepted the candidates named, and the party platform of 1894 was reaffirmed.145 Goodwyn's appeal for fusion is said to have won out.146

Thus Kolb had been shelved, and the Populists were to ride or drive a new steed. But the tactics were the same as during the preceding six years. All of the old complaints were re-emphasized 147 by members148 of this "Unholy Alliance." Captain Goodwyn made his campaign on the cry of "frauds in the black belt." The Democratic press likewise scored the opposition whose plans were, so they said, now an open card, and meant that Alabama was to be given over to the negro-Republican party. Both factions baited the voters.149

The Chicago National Democratic Convention nominated Bryan and Sewall for President and Vice-President, respectively,150 The Populist National convention at St. Louis endorsed Bryan and named Thomas E. Watson of Georgia for Vice-President.151 McKinley and Hobart were then nominees of the Republican Convention152 at St.

145 DuBose, Article No. 130, in Age-Herald, July 21, 1914; State Herald, May 6, July 8, 1896. "The Pops and Rads met, mixed, and mussed;" or "Fussed, fought and fused."

146 State Herald, May 20, 1896.

147 State Herald, May 20, 1896.

148 State Herald, May 13, 27, 1896; June 24, 1896; Advertiser, July 11, 1896.

149 State Herald, May 13, 1896. Seeing that the socalled "Jeffersonians" of other days were plain Populists or Republicans, and by no means Democrats, many publicly confessed they had been mislead through their support of the Alliance and Kolb, thinking him a Democrat, and were now eager to get back in the old party. Nor could they swallow the gold standard and tariff policies of the Republican party.

150 State Herald, July 15, 1896; see W. J. Bryan, The First Battle, for an account of the Chicago Convention; Brown, Alabama, p. 321.

151 State Herald, July 29 and Sept. 9, 1896; Latane, Hist. of U. S., p. 427; Captain Kolb presided over the National Convention a portion of the time, and had a share in securing the endorsement of Bryan.

152 Advertiser, June 19, 1896; Brown, Alabama, p. 321; DuBose, Article No. 131, in Age-Herald, July 24, 1914.

Louis. There was also a "Sound Money" or National Democratic ticket. The convention held at Indianapolis in September with 824 delegates from forty-one states, representing those who refused to swallow the Bryan free silver platform, nominated General J. M. Palmer of Illinois for President and General Simon Bolivar Buckner of Kentucky for Vice-President. This union of the Blue and Gray was supposed to be a piece of strategy to win votes,153 similar to the Populite team of 1892.

The election 154 results in August show that the Democratic party in Alabama, under the head of Captain Johnston, had practically recovered from the discord that had separated it into two warring factions since 1890. Johnston received a vote of 128,541, getting the support of many Kolb men because of the silver issue,155 and Goodwyn received 89,290. The black belt went overwhelmingly for Johnston, and he received many white counties which had gone for Kolb in the two preceding elections. A Democratic legislature was elected, each house, however having several Populists and Republicans.156

True to prophecy,157 under the leadership of the Advertiser, the "hard" money devotees in Alabama refused to accept the "Popocratic" platform of the Chicago convention. Sound-money conferences were held all over the state. "The Advertiser's Boltocrat" convention was held in Montgomery August 27, with representatives from 42 out of the 66 counties.158 Many prominent men were there. Ex-Governor Jones was elected chairman of the convention.159 Some others present were Congressmen G. P. Harrison and R. H. Clarke, Charles Henderson, later governor, S. H. Dent, F. P. Glass, J. H. Fitts, and E. L. Russell. A rousing platform was adopted, and delegates named for the Indianapolis convention. These men represented the most influential group160 in

153 Advertiser, Sept. 2, 4, 6, 1896; Brown, Alabama, p. 321. 154 Advertiser, August 16, Nov. 14, 1896; Miller, Alabama, p. 294; State Herald, August 5, 1896; Brown, Alabama, p. 321.

155 DuBose, Article No. 131; Brown, Alabama, p. 321. Captain Goodwyn, beloved and respected Alabamian, now resides at Robinson Springs in Elmore county.

156 DuBose, Article No. 131; Advertiser, Aug. 8, 1896.

157 State Herald, March 25, 1896.

158 State Herald, Sept. 2, 1896; Advertiser, August 25, 1896; DuBose, Article No. 131, in Age-Herald, July 24, 1914.

159 Advertiser, August 28, 1896; State Herald, Sept. 2, 4, 6, 1896. 160 State Herald, August 19, 1896; DuBose, Article No. 131 in Age-Herald, July 24, 1914. The leaders on the "national" ticket were from Birmingham, Eufaula, Montgomery, and Mobile.

the state, the group who had denounced and stemmed the tide against bolters and independents in 1892 and 1894.

Perhaps the most exciting161 election year in American history closed in November with the election of seven Democratic Congressmen, one Populite, and one Republican-Populite, and a victory for McKinley and the Republicans over the Democratic-Populist Fusion ticket led by Bryan. Alabama's electoral vote went to Bryan, the popular vote162 in the state being 107,137 for Bryan, 24,082 for Watson, 54,737 for McKinley and 6,464 for Palmer and Buckner, and 2,147 for Levering (Prohibition), a total of 194,567, which was 40,000 short of the Presidential163 vote of 1892.

Populism in Alabama was a dead issue after 1896. Only 4,178 Populist votes were cast in 1900. This was somewhat over two per cent of the total vote. The insurgent movement had spent its force, henceforth all tendencies favored a return to normalcy. Johnston's election and re-election ultimately reunited the party.16.

REVIEW OF THE RISE OF POPULISM.

The foregoing story has been concerned with an account of the conditions in Alabama between 1870 and 1890. A close study of the history of the state and of the Populist movement in the state affords convincing evidence that no adequate conception of the whole agrarian crusade, culminating in Populism, can be had without a careful study and thorough understanding of the period of twenty years preceding the actual formation of a third party. These years contained the soil and the seed from which Populism sprang. Indeed, during these years the young plant, Populism-under a non-political name to be sure-sprouted and grew well-nigh to maturity. It was only left to the early years of the last decade of the century for this plant, already full grown, to change its name from a non-political farmers' organization (Alliance) to a political name (People's party).

It is now possible to restate the demands of the Alli

161 State Herald, Nov. 4, 1896; J. C. DuBose, Alabama, p. 362. 162 Advertiser, Nov. 4, 21, 1896; Berney, Hand Book, p. 538; Official and Statistical Register, 1903, pp. 235-6; Owen, Alabama, II, p. 1150. For the Gold Democrats, Montgomery county led with 526; Jefferson, 450.

168 Official and Statistical Register, 1903, p. 238; Miller, Alabama, p. 297; J. C. DuBose, Alabama, p. 295.

164 Age-Herald, July 27, 1914.

ance and likewise grasp more clearly the fact that these complaints-the justification for these demands-had their origin, not during the year 1890 but most surely had been cumulative over the entire score of years antedating 1890. Unlearned in the sciences of economics and politics, the farmers in their isolation could not fathom the causes leading to their complete undoing. Like the blinded adder, they struck furiously in all directions, considering all forces hostile to their interests. Notwithstanding the much boasted "Redemption of Democracy" of the middle 'seventies, which connoted the return of "White Supremacy," all was not entirely well and right with Alabama.165 An insecure lease on life under white domination was achieved but no one was ever certain as to when the "black ghost," the exaggerated spectre of negro rule might again become a reality. Legally the negro's political privileges equaled those of any white man.166 And the very fact that the negro was now the make-weight-the balance between Democrats and Republicans-made his power dangerous, for it was logical for him to side with the Republicans to whom he owed his freedom. But this was not the major danger. The greater danger was that the Democrats themselves might split and the negro vote would indeed become a deciding factor. Fear of a return of negro-Republican domination (in part a shibboleth, a stereotype) held many discontented Democrats in line long after they had lost faith in the righteousness of their party. It was this fear which created such adhesive power in the Democratic party, despite the growing wrongs and desire for changes on the part of some of the whites. It was the gradual cleavage of and schism in the Democratic ranks that culminated in the Populist party.

The Constitution of 1875 was in many ways an improvement over that of 1868, yet it was not perfect. To say nothing of the biennial elections which kept the state in a continual political turmoil, the constitutional inhibi

165 A. T. Goodwyn, Personal letter, Sept. 4, 1924; Brown, Lower South, pp. 257 ff.

166 Emmett O'Neal, The Constitutions of Alabama, p. 30; see Brown, Lower South, pp. 256 ff.

167 In 1911 (The Advertiser, June 11) Governor B. B. Comer said the legislature and courts had been under control of corporations the last 30 years; and that the appointment of the railroad commission and the laws governing them were vised by railroad officials. See Judge T. S. Jones' refutation in Advertiser, Sept. 17, 1911.

tions regarding bond issues and credit became particularly vexing to the flourishing towns, which arose during the 'eighties, but became depressed after the 'boom." They were unable to expand and develop for lack of power to increase their taxes, hence many complaints arose from civic leaders as well as laborers. The new election laws were soon found defective, and there was complaint against the state tax laws, the Federal 10 per cent tax upon state bank notes, the educational system, railroad abuses, the appointment of commissioners, and against corporations in general. With a plethoric Federal treasury the farmer could neither understand nor appreciate the inadequacy of the currency circulation.

Then there was bitter complaint761 against the convention, the political boss, and Bourbon Democracy, the charge being current that notwithstanding the white voters of hill counties had rescued the whites of the black belt from negro domination168 in 1874, these white counties had never since had their share of political influence in the state. It was a sectional issue of white county versus black belt. Then there was much dissatisfaction over the question of representation169 in the legislature and state conventions, that the rotten borough system of England could never compare with that of Alabama, that the dozen black-belt counties with only a small white population had one-third the total number of delegates in the state conventions. The rapidly developing white counties should receive more consideration. Machine domination it was claimed made it impossible to nominate any but professional politicians. These are some of the causes which led the farmer to forsake his old party, in nearly all instances the Democratic party, and to resort to the fortunes of a new party. Never after 1870 was there thorough peace and harmony in the state. The redemption of 1875 was only nominal. It was one-sided and by no means universal. Democracy for the white blackbelter had been redeemed but by no means had the political power of the white county been on a parity with that of the black-belt county. If the negro's vote was to be stolen and counted out, why should his vote count in convention and legislature against the white counties? A latent determination to effect legal disfranchisment of the negro, who was now

168 See Brown, Lower South, p. 248.

169 Brown, Lower South, p. 248; Advertiser, March 18, 1874.