cancellation of mortgages, liquidation of debts, and teaching directly108 or indirectly economy, thrift, knowledge and independence. No more mortgages, no more credit system, no more crop liens, and pay as you go, became the Alliance's slogan. Its original aims and teachings were regarded as entirely wholesome and proper. Any organ109 with so salutary a platform was bound to attract masses of aggrieved farmers. The membership was now estimated at as high as 125,000.

Not content with recommendations to the legislature as to educational and industrial reforms110 the Alliance, like its forerunner and contemporary the Grange, tried its own hands at the game of business. Its scheme contemplated the building of factories for tools, farm machinery and vehicles, and shoe factories and warehouses to protect "the farmers from the grasping monopolies, blood-sucking trusts, heartless usurers and extortioners."111 The year 1889 was an unusually active year for the farmers' movements. All organizations seemed to take on new life.112 The Alliance was in the ascendancy in Alabama. That year was truly a landmark in its history. The Alabama farmer was apparently coming into his own. He was no longer ignored by legislative assemblies but now seemed to control their destinies to such an extent as to be able to procure exceedingly favorable consideration.

An act of the legislature approved February 6, 1889, incorporated113 the unique Farmers' Alliance Exchange, a stock corporation whose subscription and membership were restricted to farmers. This in itself was a great political favor to the Alliance, for the legislature thus showed friendship to it by a charter which caused it to be a competitor with almost all other industries. "The Alliance Exchange", says DuBose, 114 was the most com

108 Age-Herald, July 3, 24, 1889; Advertiser, January 3, 1889. 109 Advertiser, January 3, 1889.

110 Advertiser, January 3, 1889; Age-Herald, July 30, 1890; Owen, Alabama, I, p. 564. Most of these demands on educational matters were achieved within the next twenty years.

111 DuBose, Article No. 81 in Jones, Scrap Book, V, p. 55.

112 Ibid.

113 Acts, 1888-9, p. 287; DuBose, Article No. 82, in Jones, Scrap Book, V, p. 59.

114 DuBose, Article No. 81, in Jones, Scrap Book, V, p. 59; Acts, 1888-9, pp. 287-288. The act of incorporation gave the Exchange power to conduct a mercantile business; to act as agents for the purchase and sale of farm and orchard products; to act as forwarding agents for all kinds of commodities; to erect, manage

prehensive corporation ever known to the laws of Alabama. Too, it was the only corporation protected by law whose membership was limited to the members of an oath-bound association. Its charter was world wide.

After much delay and keen rivalry on the part of Florence, Birmingham, Gadsden, Selma, and Montgomery the Exchange Headquarters were finally located at Montgomery.115

Common indeed were Alliance warehouses, acting in various capacities, especially as purchasing headquarters for county units. Agents bought farm supplies and sold them to Alliance members at about cost for cash or on promissory notes.161 Numerous Alliance "Co-ops" claimed to have saved much money for their members. But the Alliance Exchange itself, clothed with utmost legal authority, seems never to have been a real success. It became involved in various enterprises which proved liabilities rather than assets to the farmers' efforts. One of these unsuccessful business adventures was an attempt to revive at Florence an old cotton mill to manufacture cotton bagging to kill the jute trust. Plans were on foot and ground secured to erect a $300,000 cotton mill but it ended there.117 However, a year later the papers carried the joyful news that the Exchange would advance $35 a bale, an exporting arrangement having been made whereby the farmer was to get what his cotton netted in the Liverpool market. The Exchange was said to be prepared to handle 500,000 bales and to advance $35 a bale on insured cotton in warehouses.118

and operate warehouses, stockyards, grain elevators and packing establishments; to manufacture fertilizers; operate a banking business, railroads, telegraph lines, steamboats, etc.

115 Advertiser, July 9, 1889; Advertiser, June 23, 1889; AgeHerald, July 3, 1889; Nov. 20, 1889; June 26, 1889. It was first thought that Birmingham had secured it permanently with its offer of $100,000 in money and land. An Alliance warehouse began work there but the Exchange was later set up in the capital city. The fact that it was an agricultural center as well as a railroad center probably helped Montgomery to get it. While in Birmingham, Dr. D. H. Bone of Madison county was the general manager, with George F. Gaither of Etowah as secretary. Gaither later became a leading Populist. (Advertiser, Aug. 7, 1889; July 19, 1889; Advertiser, Mar. 24, 1889; DuBose, Article No. 83; Jones, Scrap Book, V, p. 60.)

116 DuBose, Article No. 81 in Jones, V, p. 55.

117 Proceedings, Fifth Semi-Ann. Sess. Agric. Soc., pp. 27-31. 118 Age-Herald, Oct. 1, 1890. An Alliance Shoe factory (The Sweetwater Shoe Company) at Florence increased its capital stock from $25,000 to $100,000 already employing thirty hands, and was

The Agricultural Society as a child of the Agricultural Department, with its destinies shaped and controlled largely by the commissioner, continued to fight the bagging trust as did the Grange and Alliance. The various county alliances "resoluted" to use no more jute bagging the next year, even though a substitute might cost a little more. They must kill the bagging and fertilizer monopolies.119 Delegates of the several organs of the state met in Birmingham, May 15, 1889 to consider modes of successfully combating the injustice of the jute trust.120 It was really a business meeting of the National Farmers' Alliance and Coöperative Union of America called by C. W. Macune, President. In calling the meeting to order and expressing his gratification at the attendance, President Macune said they had not met to fight anybody but to protect their own interests wisely and justly. S. M. Adams, President of the Alabama Farmers' Alliance was elected permanent chairman. The welcome to Birmingham was given by Captain Joseph F. Johnston, banker, and later governor of the state. He lauded agriculture and the spirit of coöperation being manifested by the farmers who so badly needed protective laws. It was here that the bagging trust seems to have been forced to yield. The farmers decided to make their own bagging121 out of cotton, which could be manufactured at 1212 cents a yard at the factory. The very fact that they could now use much of their own cotton for bagging manufacturing would be an aid to them. But the Alliance does not seem to have gone into the actual manufacture of cotton bagging, its purpose being partially achieved when by a threat to establish its own factories "the Jute Trust" put the price of its bagging at less than 11 cents a yard. On seven million bales it was estimated that Southern cotton

soon to employ several hundred persons for the manufacture of all grades of shoes from brogans to fine "Congress" shoes. It was expected to put out 600 pairs daily. Plans were launched for the manufacture of plows and farm implements in Montgomery, and cotton ties in Birmingham, and under the auspices of either state or local alliances, was begun the work of building factories of various kinds, and huge schemes were contemplated, often though without expert knowledge to formulate their plans. (AgeHerald, July 24, August 28, Oct. 2, 1889; Advertiser, March 25, 1891.)

119 Age-Herald, May 29, 1889.

120 Advertiser, April 26, 1889; Age-Herald, May 22, 1889.

121 Age-Herald, May 22, 1889; DuBose, Article No. 81 in Jones, Scrap Book, p. 55. The Tallassee (Elmore county) mills were manufacturing a coarse cotton thread which some proposed as a substitute for jute.

growers would save almost two million dollars annually. Thus the Alliance in bringing this formidable monopoly to terms in 1889, became the first "trust buster" at least a year before the passage by Congress of the socalled Sherman Anti-Trust Act.122

A third legislative act in behalf of the farmers, one in which Commissioner Kolb was particularly interested, provided that Farmers' Institutes should be held all over the state under the direction of the commissioner of agriculture. In passing this bill, itself a boon to Kolb, the legislature practically turned over a master123 key to him. The act authorized institutes to be held in all parts of the state under the direction of the commissioner who was empowered by law to employ and pay the expenses of lecturers and prominent farmers to help him on agricultural topics.1

124

In the light of future events, quite significant is the following language used by F. N. Nesbit of Russell county, before the State Agricultural Society, February, 1889, urging the passage by the legislature of the Institute bill. Nesbit, a member of the lower house of the general assembly, said: "The law makes it his duty to look after immigration . . . . If this bill passes allowing the commissioner to organize institutes throughout the state, and if Captain Kolb has full power and sway to conduct them as he wishes, I am satisfied that he will in less than five years have the agriculturists of the state fully educated as to a sense of their duties in regard to this department."125 The bill passed and no one doubted that one with Kolb's ambition and ingenuity would not fail to use the law to its limit. The commissioner immediately put the institute law into practice,126 and it really became the "Alliance on Wheels." Such special legislative favors were never before granted to the farmers of Alabama.127 Possessing that "full power and sway" which Mr. Nesbit had insisted should be given the commissioner, within five

122 Age-Herald, July 24, 1889.

123 Proceedings, Fifth Semi-Ann. Sess. Agric. Soc., Feb., 1889, pp. 75, 80. Governor Jones' message Nov. 16, 1892, called attention to the possible abuse of the farmers' institutes in a political way, and urged rigid changes. (Senate Journal, 1892-3, pp. 29-30; Owen, Alabama, I, p. 10.)

124 DuBose, Article No. 82, in Jones Scrap Book, p. 59; Acts, 1888-9, pp. 287-8.

125 Proceedings, Fifth Semi-Ann. Sess. Soc., p. 80. 126 Italics are the author's.

127 DuBose, Article No. 82.

years he came indeed near having the whole state governmental machinery within his power.

Commissioner Kolb employed a number of able men as his assistants, possibly due regard being had to the political future. He attended most of the institutes in person, and several of the Democratic papers by this time said that Kolb's handpicked lecturers had soon learned to eulogize their master who was accused of talking more politics than agriculture.128 He preached wider participation in governmental affairs by the farmers, cried down with the "party machine," and urged the election of a "farmer governor," saying it had been over thirty years since the state had one.

From its very nature the success of the Alliance demanded publicity. The state press could make or mar the organization. During the early years of the Alliance's existence it had received practically the unanimous129 favor of the newspapers. The farming class had, it was generally admitted, been neglected; they had failed to keep pace in organization with other vocations and there was no reasonable objection to their coöperative efforts to improve their economic status. The Age-Herald was particularly friendly to the farmers' organization and at first the Advertiser was also very sympathetic, but a rift occurred. The Alliance meeting130 at Auburn in August, 1889, put the Advertiser in the Ananias Club by voting resolutions of condemnation because it had published an editorial on jute bagging which the Alliance considered unfriendly.

The Alliance set up its own press, but experienced considerable financial trouble. Some of the journals operated for the Alliance were the Southern Agriculturist of Montgomery, and later the Farmers' Alliance-Advocate, but neither of these lasted long. Later Frank Baltzell, editor of the Alliance-Herald at Montgomery, became the able spokesman for the Alliance group against the machine Democrats. 181

128 DuBose, Article No. 82; Advertiser, May 28, 1891.

129 Age-Herald, Aug. 24, 1889 and June 25, 1890; Advertiser, Aug. 9, 18, 1889, and Jan. 11, 21, 1890.

130 DuBose, Articles Nos. 81 and 83; Advertiser, Aug. 9, 18, 1889. The Advertiser said the Alliance's attack was a political scheme to kill Colonel Jones' chances for the governorship. În a circular letter, Jan. 1, 1890, President Adams urged Alliance members not to subscribe for the Advertiser-"the powerful party organ."

181 Age-Herald, Aug. 20, 1889; DuBose, Article Nos. 81 and 83;