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soldiers raw in

The left sallied

it at its centre; and they brought to the assault, divided into three columns, 2000 arms, but burning with enthusiasm. from Marghera, and comprised 450 of Sile's Riflemen, covered by five gun-boats carrying great guns. The centre, about 900 strong, was composed of the Lombard battalion, a company of Roman volunteers, and one Bolognese battalion with two guns. The right was manned by the battalion of Alpine Riflemen, three companies of the legion called "Free Italy," with two pieces of artillery, and a troop of horse; about 700 in all. The order of the assault was as follows: the left to charge the enemy's centre, and cut it off from the garrisons of La Rana and Fusina; the right to charge his left, along the canalbank. The column proceeding in boats by the Lagune, and covered by the gun-boats, was to outflank his right, and, after landing, one part was to attack the garrison of La Rana, in concert with a detachment from our centre; the rest to halt at Malcontenta, and confront the enemy in his retirement from La Rana by the Padua road. I will not detail the vicissitudes of the action, which was long and furious; the courage of the young Italian soldiery was keen, their success complete. At the entrenchments, at Mestre, from house to house, the enemy was routed, slaughtered, captured; La Rana and Malcontenta taken, with six guns, ammunition, horses, baggage, and over 700 prisoners, including five officers, and the military chest. Such were the fruits of the victory. Nor was it a surprise; for amidst the

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that the Austrian General left behind, on his retirement, was found written proof that, on the evening before, he had received from an informer an intimation of an immediate attack. Neither was it from feeble resistance, for the Austrians fought with abundant valour; almost all the gunners fell beside their guns, either dead or wounded, and they had about 300 rank and file either in the one class or the other. On our side there were 200, among whom one was worthy of particular and honourable remembrance, Alessandro Poerio, of Naples, who took arms for freedom at sixteen in 1820, and then became its poet as an exile, until Italy appeared to spring up for selfdeliverance. He was among the first who entered Mestre; and, though wounded in the right leg, he still pushed on, driving the enemy before him at the sword's point, when he had the same leg shattered by grape-shot, and he fell with a shout for Italy. After five days of agony, he breathed his last in Christ, with a resigned will, and calling on his mother and his country.

The Venetians were unable to hold Mestre long; and after they had quitted it, taking with them their booty and the prisoners and guns, the enemy returned thither, and took savage vengeance.

Pepe was desirous to try new and greater enterprises; but the Government would not allow him, as they were checked by the instances of the Consul of France, from whence at that time they hoped to get the succours which they had asked. Meanwhile they set about fortifying the Lagune, and strengthen

ing all the works of defence, drilling and training the troops, about 18,000 in number; not all, however, fit for service, for the disease of the place, periodical intermittent fever, had made many of them weak and sickly. They likewise sent Tommaseo as their envoy to France, while they sought among the States of Italy pecuniary aid. Of this they had long stood in extreme need, so that the citizens had given their plate, their moveables of value, and all they could, to their afflicted country; a pattern of self-devotion unique, rather than rare, in modern times. The city, too, remained tranquil, nor had faction sway there as in the other Italian towns; for Manin had the secret of cherishing the enthusiasm of self-sacrifice, while he kept the people in bounds, and defended order. Justly, then, have I said, that, when the eye turned towards Venice, the spirit was consoled and the heart enlarged; because history there meets with noble men and noble acts, and a sacred adversity not profaned by such crimes, and by such degraded political harlequins, as we have seen in the other parts of Italy.

And now a few sad words for Lombardy, under the yoke of the stranger and the soldier; her only law, that most stern law of war. Three hundred thousand of her people had shunned the sight and the ovations of the enemy, repairing for the most part to Piedmont, close at hand; the remainder reserved and gloomy from the dread of spite and vengeance. Milan and the other chief cities were well nigh deserted: there were neither banquets, plays, dances, nor assemblies

for recreation. The Provisional Government had established itself at Turin under the name of the Consulta for Lombardy, and it was on a footing of alliance and amity with the Piedmontese authorities: while the most distinguished among the exiles from the Duchies of Parma and Modena had likewise a voice in its deliberations. But Piedmont itself, too, was ill at ease. Rarely do the minds of men settle, after a great reverse, into that repose and serenity, out of which must flow the virtues restorative of nations. The pride of man knows not how to confess itself in fault, and lays the blame on others. Few, too, are the truly resolute: most men show their resolution in abusing their competitors, cursing their fortune, and blackening the acts and intentions of opponents. And the Italians outdo all other nations in this ill-starred vice of reciprocating slanders, and pitching to and fro their imputations and upbraidings upon disaster. Many of us think ourselves fine fellows, if we can abuse roundly and trust nobody, and begin to feel all is right so soon as neither any authority remains firm nor any reputation inviolate. Their way of embodying the idea of Democracy seems to lie in equalisation of infamy: they go about exclaiming, that the people ought not to stoop before any human being, however great; as if Heaven would make war and direct affairs for the people; as if States could subsist without statesmen, and armies conquer without generals. After the victories of the enemy, far from rallying in concord under that banner of misfortune, which, for all noble souls, is a

sacred one, the Italians divided themselves into as many camps as there were classes, or cities, or individuals of any popular repute: the frantic factions set about stirring up the troops against their commanders, the burghers against the nobles, the populace against people of property, subjects against their kings, one royal dynasty against another; Florence, Rome, Milan, Naples, against Turin; nay, Genoa itself against its own Subalpine capital. If a hope existed either of an honourable peace, or of renewed hostilities, it was wholly in the Subalpine King and people; and yet the Italian factions were hostile and troublesome to Piedmont in a degree that might have distanced even Vienna. Great was the virtue of that country, and the endurance of her Princes, people, and army; but she was smarting, and it was no easy matter to pluck up courage for a fresh effort. Even in the Parliament, party was vehement and keen; and the very men who held in common the love of liberty and independence were at variance. The armistice was denounced, just as though, after the disasters of Custoza and Milan, any alternative had been open except either a truce or utter annihilation: the negotiations for peace, and the mediation, were reviled: some wanted to renew the war without either men or money others held it was unreasonable, and that they ought indeed to stand prepared, but not to undervalue the mediation of France and England. The Ministry, called that of Perrone and Pinelli, adhered to this opinion, and were opposed by Gioberti, who was vehemently applauded by the Clubs, the refugees,

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