"This decision of ours has not been caused solely by the arbitrary refusal of the Cabinet of Naples to recognise Signor Plezza, without the allegation of any valid reason (for those that were tendered have been confuted), or by the unmannerly treatment offered him; but also, and more, by the unworthy calumny, imputing to us an effort to rob the Pope of the Legations, which the Prince Cariati has disseminated in France. I trust that the mind of the Pontiff will not for one instant harbour a suspicion of such infamy. It may indeed fitly serve to show him, what is the character of the Cabinet that has invented it. The candid and frank mind of Pius IX. is, however, apt to be taken in by the grimaces of certain personages, who act the saint at Gaeta, but at Naples make their sport of Religion, and of the August Head who is its symbol.

"You will endeavour to infuse into the Pontiff confidence in Piedmont, and to inspire him with a disposition to reconciliation and to pardon, as towards Rome; the only disposition accordant to his kind heart, his sacred character, or the interest of our religion."

On the evening of the 4th of February, Count Maurice Esterhazy, the Austrian Ambassador, reached Gaeta. After a long conversation with Cardinal Antonelli, he had an audience of His Holiness next morning. A Consistory of Cardinals was summoned for the 7th, and there it was resolved to request armed assistance forthwith from Austria, France, Spain, and Naples; in such terms, that it might be given by any one of them, independently of any mutual understanding with the rest. Although Count Esterhazy had pointed out the necessity of a concert between Austria and France, yet the Court of Gaeta craftily couched its demand in such a form, that

Austria and Naples might be able to march on the instant. If this contrivance did not gain the speedy advantage which was hoped from it, it was owing to the remonstrances of France, the caution of Austria, unable at that moment to plunge into a dangerous enterprise, the length of the negotiations, and other incidents, to which I shall have to advert in the sequel. Meantime it was fixed, that Piedmont should be struck out of the list of the Catholic Powers at whose hands aid was sought: and thus Austria and Naples had a complete victory at Gaeta. Charles Albert was deeply annoyed by this decision, and Gioberti wrote to the King's Envoy in language strong and worthy of record.

The

"The Papal Court," he said, "does not know who are its true friends. If it did, none would rank before Piedmont. I flattered myself I had given proof of my affection and devotion to the Holy See, both as a private individual, and since I entered on the conduct of public affairs. I conceive that my short administration has given greater proofs of attachment to the Holy Father than all preceding ones. Court of Gaeta, by passing upon me judgments worse than precipitate, shows itself not over observant in this respect of the evangelical precepts; and in these opinions it has no partisans but the republicans. I congratulate myself on this singular harmony between Giuseppe Mazzini and his Eminence the Cardinal; and I seek comfort in the idea that the rest of Italy thinks rather differently.

"The distinguished Cardinal complains that, in pressing on the Romans language of peace and concord, the Government of Piedmont has done harm to Rome, "by preventing matters from coming to the worst," but this must have sprung from the animation of the moment, not from mature reflection;

inasmuch as his Eminence cannot have forgotten that Gospel rules take precedence of political chicane, and that any sovereign or minister, who wishes for evil that good may come of it, can reap no other reward than infamy in this life, and hell

in the next.

"Possibly the Government of Gaeta, in excluding Piedmont from the list of Catholic Governments, has omitted to calculate the political difficulties of its position. Possibly it imagines, that we are disposed to put in practice the theory of Christianity as held by Cardinal Antonelli; and that I shall postpone every other consideration to the desire of gratifying Pius IX. . . . But my first aim is to repress mob rule, and to save our institutions; and towards this aim all my operations must be directed.

"The Parliament of Piedmont will never allow of Austrian interference in the affairs of Rome. We have 100,000 men, who can fight the German in the Papal States, just as well as on the banks of the Mincio and the Adige.

"The Court of Gaeta should reflect seriously on its own interests. Piedmont will ever be devoted to the spiritual Head of the Church; but Piedmont may protest, may hinder Austria from interference at the heart of Italy, and from dishonouring with its arms the holy cause of the Pontiff.

"I trust the Court of Gaeta may be disposed to fall back upon sentiments more evangelical, more worthy of Pius IX. I am grieved to say it; but the Government of Gaeta, by repudiating the idea of reconciliation, and preferring vengeance and bloodshed, shuts its eyes to the fact that it is spurning the maxims of Christ, and preferring those of Mahomet.

"You will please to state these views, respectfully, but with frankness, to his Eminence the Cardinal. Heaven grant they may work for good, and that I may not be forced to repeat them in the face of all Europe. I have, &c."

From the narrative up to this point, it is plain that,

after the departure of the Pope from Rome, the Constitutionalists in the first instance laboured for an amicable accommodation, and afterwards offered to do and dare for the restoration of the Constitutional Throne. It is also plain, that the Government of Piedmont was lavish in its encouragements, its counsels, its tenders to the Pontiff, and that the Court of Gaeta turned its back on the Constitutionalists and on the Government of Piedmont, while it desired and decided on the aid of the stranger. We see, lastly, that the Court of Naples was indefatigable in counteracting every conception of a liberal and Italian tendency. Enough, then, for the present, of the affairs of Gaeta, as the course of events takes us back to Rome to pursue our narrative.

CHAP. XI.

FIRST MEETING OF THE ASSEMBLY ON THE FIFTH OF FEBRUARY. SPEECH OF ARMELLINI AND HIS CONCLUDING WORDS. CANINO,

GARIBALDI, AND STERBINI'S OBSERVATION. SITTING OF THE 7TH.

-DEBATE ON THE ELECTION OF DE LUCA TRONCHET.--LANGUAGE OF GALLETTI ON BEING CHOSEN PRESIDENT. DEMAND OF AU

DINOT.

-SITTING OF THE 8TH: CANINO'S CENSURE ON THE GOVERNMENT.—EXAMINATION OF ITS CORRESPONDENCE. -DISPATCH FROM CASTELLANI, AND INCIDENTS.-LANGUAGE OF BORGATTI.OF STERBINI. SPEECH OF SAVINI.—OF MAMIANI.-OF MASI.-OF FILOPANTI: HIS PROPOSITIONS. -OF AGOSTINI. -OF RUSCONI. MOTION OF STERBINI TO ADJOURN THE DEBATE. DEBATE: SPEECH OF AUDINOT. -OF STERBINI. -OF VINCIGUERRA. OF GABUSSI. OF CANINO: HIS PERORATION. MOTION OF MAMIANI.-SPEECH OF CESARI. — LANGUAGE OF MONGHINI, STERBINI, AND SAFFI.

ADJOURNED

DISORDER IN THE GALLERIES, AND FURTHER INCIDENTS.-MOTION OF FILOPANTI. VOTE TAKEN. DECREE.THE REPUBLIC PROCLAIMED FROM THE CAPITOL.

On the 5th of February the Constituent Assembly met in the same hall of the Cancelleria Palace, in which the Council of Deputies had before been used to meet. One hundred and forty representatives of the people (as they were called) were present. Armellini, having mounted the tribune, congratulated the members, with anticipations of plenary freedom and unity for Italy; and, having denounced divine right, he did homage to the sovereignty of the people. He then touched on the principal points in the reign of Pius IX., and, passing judgments upon them not always just or accurate, he went on to relate the