for us all that we desire. It is not necessary that I should enter further into these matters. I have said all that I intended to say. I have spoken of the past, and of the present. That which is to come rests not with me, but with the Irish people, whose prudence and patriotism will ere long be rewarded by the CROWNING VICTORY—BY THE GLORIOUS ACHIEVEMENT OF IRELAND'S INDEPENDENCE.

APPENDIX.

HENRY GRATTAN.

MR. A. M. SULLIVAN, proprietor and editor of The Nation newspaper, in his zealous vindication of the rights of Ireland, expressed himself in language more energetic than was approved of by the English officials who exercise supreme authority over the acts of Irishmen. He was prosecuted, convicted of sedition, and sentenced to imprisonment.

His case was considered one of such hardship, that, on his release, persons of all parties, influenced by their feeling of personal respect for him, and their high estimation of his literary talent— but chiefly by a determination to uphold the liberty of the press— resolved to present him with a suitable and enduring testimonial. With this view a considerable sum was subscribed, and when the question was discussed as to what should be the form and character of the presentation, Mr. Sullivan, in a manner the most disinterested, declined to appropriate to himself any portion of the large fund thus formed to do him an especial honor; but at the same time suggested that it should become the commencement of a general movement throughout all Ireland for the erection of a memorial dedicated to Henry Grattan, and demonstrative of the estimation in which his name and services are to this day regarded by every section of the Irish people-irrespective of party

or sect.

The idea was a happy one. The effect was electric. Men of all shades of opinion-Protestant and Catholic laymen-Protestant and Catholic clerics, forwarded their subscriptions, and sent to the acting committee letters approving of the movement. Such was the magic of Grattan's name-such was its influence-as it brought to mind the efforts of the patriotic orator to obtain for Ireland the undisputed right to manage her own affairs, independently of English control.

Of these letters, and first among them all, whether we regard it as a specimen of exquisite composition, or as inspired by 'sentiments of benevolence and profound wisdom, that of Lord Chancellor O'Hagan must occupy the first place--it shines with its mild radiance "ut luna inter sidera minora." It should be

printed in every school book, as a lesson to be read and studied by the rising youth of all persuasions, to teach them to entertain a kindly feeling towards each other, and above all things to cherish an undying devotion to their common country-to dear old Ireland. This is the letter of the first Roman Catholic Chancellor who for the last three hundred years has been nominated to the high office which he now so worthily fills.

LETTER OF LORD CHANCELLOR O'HAGAN.

My dear Lord Charlemont,

Rutland Square, West,

9th January, 1869.

I enclose a check for £100 in aid of the fund for the erection of a statue to Henry Grattan, as I learn that you fitly take a leading part in the movement for that good purpose, which has so generously and hopefully begun.

I tender to you my humble co-operation, because it is not the movement of a party or sect, but of a nation, offering its grateful reverence to one of its worthiest sons.

I remember the feeling with which, long years ago, I stood in Westminster Abbey, beside a shattered slab bearing the name of Henry Grattan, and thought it a symbol of the broken fortunes of the land for which he lived and died. It seemed to me a national reproach that his, dust should have been laid in English earth, with no better monument, by the people to whom he had rendered such loving service. And now I rejoice that we are at last uniting, in a time of hope and progress, to put away that reproach for ever.

We may hold various opinions with reference to Grattan's policy and conduct; but we can have no discussion as to his pure and earnest life, his public virtue, his indomitable courage, his true and unchanging devotion to his country, the achievements by which he lighted up the fairest page in our dismal story, the genius which made him matchless amongst the orators of the modern world.

The Irish Protestant will not hold unworthy of his homage the chief of the great men of his own faith, whose labour and sacrifices for Ireland have given lustre to their race.

The Irish Catholic will be emulous to honour him who, in evil days-untainted by corruption and unawed by power-was the dauntless champion of Religious Liberty.

The fame of Henry Grattan is the common and the proud inheritance of all good Irishmen. It is no longer obscured by the mists and heats of faction. It suffers no more from the insolence of authority or the fickleness of the crowd. It lifts him high on

the roll of names which live through ages. And we are bound— one and all, of every class and creed- to demonstrate, according to our power, how dear it is to the memory and the heart of Ireland.

Believe me, my dear Lord Charlemont,
Ever faithfully yours,

THOMAS O'HAGAN.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL AND CHANCELLOR BRADY. LETTER OF LORD CHANCELLOR BRADY.

Secretary's Office, Court of Chancery,
Dublin, 23rd Nov., 1849.

SIR-I am desired to inform you that the attention of the Lord Chancellor has been directed to the report, contained in the number of the Freeman's Journal herewith enclosed, of the proceedings of an assembly at which you are reported as having presided on Tuesday, the 20th instant, described as an aggregate meeting of Irish Nationalists.

By the Report it appears that speeches were made at the meeting testifying warm approval of the conduct of several individuals who are now under sentence of transportation as having been convicted of the crimes of high treason and felony-avowing sympathy with and direct participation in the acts and designs for which those persons were brought to trial-and manifestly pointing to the end which they sought to accomplish by the criminal proceedings of which they were found guilty, as that for the attainment of which the association projected at the meeting, and called the "Irish Alliance," should be established; that these speeches, especially in their allusions to those individuals and to their designs, were received by the assembly with loud demonstrations of applause, and that no steps were taken on your part to prevent the continuance of such addresses, or in any way to express your dissent from the views and opinions that were so proclaimed, but that, on the contrary, you joined in the association thus recommended, and are named as one of the committee to manage its affairs for the ensuing month.

The Lord Chancellor has directed this communication to be made to you as a magistrate of the county of Kildare and of the King's County, in order that you may offer such observations as you shall think proper on the matters to which it refers.

I have the honour to be, sir,

Your obedient servant.

R. Grattan, Esq., M.D.

F. W. BRADY.

REPLY OF RICHARD GRATTAN, Esq

Drummin House, County Kildare, 26th Nov., 1849.

MY LORD-I beg leave to address to you my reply to the communication of your Secretary, dated the 23rd instant. The communication is an important one, and, as the topics to which it refers are, in the present state of Ireland, of great moment to us all, it will not admit of a hurried answer. I must, therefore, trespass more at length on yonr lordship's attention than, under other circumstances, might be necessary.

Since the Anti-Tithe agitation, a question upon which all Ireland was unanimous, and of which the Whigs of that day availed themselves to drive their political opponents from office, I have taken no part in public matters. That question the people carried in opposition to the Tory party, who afterwards, in conjunction with O'Connell and the Whigs, so managed the affair that, between them all, one-fourth of the church property was transferred to the landlords-thus deceiving the people, who derived no advantage from their continued exertions and sacrifices. Then came an agitation for the Repeal of the Union-then the innumerable "One more Experiment," and the "Instalments of Justice for Ireland," brought forward, in succession, by O'Connell, and connived at or openly encouraged by the Whigs, who used O'Connell as their instrument, either to harass a Tory administration, or to secure to themselves the possesion of power and patronage. The Whigs were displaced. To embarrass their successors, Ireland, as before, was made the battle ground for English faction. O'Connell got up the monster meetings. He was encouraged by the very men who are now the Queen's ministers. He gave expression to language the most defiant of England. He marshalled the peasantry. He passed them in review before him. They counted as many millions. The artificial famine, created and continued by English misrule-pestilence, the consequence of famine -poor law extermination, to gratify the political hostility or the heartless cupidity of the landlord, had not yet thinned their ranks. He asked them, would they be ready, at his call, to start up and crush the enemies of Ireland? They understood him to mean insurrection, and they answered with one voice "We are ready."

All this the Whigs witnessed—all this the Whigs encouraged -to all this the English Whigs were parties. O'Connell was arrested. He was prosecuted and imprisoned by the Peel administration. Oh! what expressions of sympathy-what addresses of