PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

THE speech delivered from the throne at the opening of the present session, on the 6th of December, 1831, indicated the line of policy intended to be pursued by Ministry, in so far only as it touched upon the topics to which their attention was principally directed. For our part, we prefer the American mode of entering into a detailed account of the domestic condition and foreign relations of the State, and an explicit statement of the political measures which the rulers have in contemplation.

The only legitimate objects of free governments are to promote the happiness of the people at home, and defend against foreign aggression. These can in no way be furthered by secrecy, mystery, and coups d'état, (we had almost written de theatre.) The brief prorogation which preceded the reassembling of Parliament, and other specialties, are, perhaps, a sufficient excuse for Ministers on the present occasion, but the general principle ought never to be lost sight of.

The subjects recommended to the attention of Parliament were :-Reform, Cholera, the state of Ireland, the Financial arrangements for the year, our relations with France, Belgium, Holland, and Portugal. We shall endeavour to follow the progressive insight into the views of Ministry on each of these important topics, afforded by their gradual development in the course of the debates.

REFORM. In the speech from the throne, " a speedy and satisfactory settlement" of the question of Reform is urgently recommended. The future proceedings of the Ministry showed that they adhered to their original purpose of remodelling our constitution by three separate bills, applicable to the varying exigencies of the three incorporated nations. -That, for reforming the representation

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of England, was brought up and read for the first time on the 12th December. The bill had been considerably amended in regard to precision of expression; and some of its minor arrangements had been modified in order to evade the quibbling objections of the preceding session. The Opposition modestly claimed these parts as their own, but like unnatural parents attacked them as fiercely as if they had been the brood of their adversaries. theme most fertile in discussion was "certain anomalies in the application of the principle upon which the right of returning a member was conceded or denied." The friends of the measure were at times silly enough to argue this point. The only answer was:-"The present basis of the representation is too narrow and unequally distributed. The basis proposed to be substituted is better, but makes no pretence to perfection. That could only be obtained by an entire alteration of our elective system." Between the cavils of enemies, and the attempts of precisian friends to plaster it into perfect smoothness, the bill was reported "not a whit the worse of the wear for the tugging and tearing it had met with in Committee, on Wednesday the 14th of March.-The Irish and Scotch bills were each read for the first time on Friday, the 19th of January; and then allowed to lie over till the tug of war regarding the English bill should be over. The Irish members complain loudly that a fair proportion of members has not been allotted to Ireland. To this we would make nearly the same answer as to the Tory objections to the English bill:-"The measure professes to be no more than the nearest approximation to perfect right, rendered possible by the present state of strength and enlightenment of the reforming interest. Will you, because you cannot get more members, refuse a more perfect control over

those you have?" Nevertheless let us have the matter fairly and fully discussed. We are anxious to see the measure as perfect as possible. A clamour has been raised on similar grounds against the Scotch Bill by Sir George Murray and other equally stanch reformers. On this head we refer our readers to an article on "The Scotch Bill" in our present number. The proceedings in the House of Commons relating to the question of reform, have however been comparatively uninteresting. Every one knows that the measure is safe enough there. It is the caballing and intriguing that is going on out of doors, and above all the sickening uncertainty regarding the firmness of ministers that has prolonged the popular fever. A rally has been attempted by the Tories in Edinburgh and two or three other places, but the voices of the malcontents have died away melancholy, as the voice of a solitary wanderer in the desert. Lords Wellington and Londonderry set at defiance all rules of etiquette in hopes to bully the King into submission. The corporation of Dublin, thinking like Looney M'Twolter, that "they were the boys for bewitching him," came over and made their bow to Majesty, and went back with a flea in their ear. Lords Harrowby and Wharncliffe, sullied a fame hitherto spotless, by holding out delusive prospects of an accommodation. A knot of hollow reformers entered into a bond to accept the bill with any alterations the Lords might make upon it. And amid all this base falsehood, trickery and contempt of every principle of common honesty or even decent hypocrisy, NO WORD of Peers. By this time next month we shall know better. Meanwhile the Unions

Lie couching head on ground, with cat-like watch. In every town-land, borough and parish the friends of Reform know each other and are prepared to act in concert. An affiliation of all the Unions, to pay no direct tax, but to allow themselves to be distrained, would be the work of a week. In matters of legislation and finance members of Parliament are our Representatives; in the task of forming a Constitution they are our Delegates.

CHOLERA. In the king's speech the arrival of this unwelcome guest was announced, and effectual measures to guard against it were said to have been taken. These measures have been utterly devoid of use; and the bills since introduced do not seem to be much more effective. There has been a great deal of talk about the matter in the Houselittle to the purpose.

STATE OF IRELAND.-The passage in the speech from the throne which refers to this unhappy country is as follows. "In parts of Ireland a systematic opposition has been made to the payment of Tithes, attended in some instances with afflicting results; and it will be one of your first duties to inquire whether it may not be possible to effect improvements in the Laws respecting this subject, which may afford the necessary protection to the established church, and at the same time remove the present causes of complaint."-In pursuance of this recommendation, Lord Melbourne moved the appointment of a Committee on Irish Tithes, in the Lords, on the 15th of December; and the same evening Mr. Stanley moved for a similar Committee in the Commons. On the 7th of February, Earl Grey, in presenting a petition on this subject, used the words: "I think it absolutely and imperatively necessary, before we proceed to legislate on this subject, generally, that the authority of the law, as it at present stands, should be fully vindicated." This caused great alarm; but, on the 14th, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, called up by the manly and indignant eloquence of Mr. Walker, explained, that the noble Lord, at the head of the Government, merely intended to say, by way of apology, for the extraordinary assistance lent to the Irish titheproctor; "that when extraordinary powers were necessary to enforce the law, they ought not be given unless they were accompanied with a remedy for the grievances complained of." In the course of the discussion an insidious attempt, on the part of Mr. Croker, to attribute different sentiments to the Irish Secretary, drew from Mr. Stanley the explicit declaration, that "the extinction of the present system of tithes was contemplated by government."-On the 16th, the Committee of the Lords, and on the 18th, the Committee of the Commons presented their first reports. Both agreed in recommending the extinction of the tithe system in Ireland; but both agreed in attributing more importance to the embarrassments of the clergy than to the sufferings of the peasantry.-Mr. Stanley having given notice of a motion on the subject, twenty-four Irish members met, on the 5th of March, to determine what course they ought to pursue. On the 8th, Mr. Stanley moved, "That this House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider the subject of Tithes in Ireland." This was met by a counter-motion that further inquiry should be delayed until the Committee had finished their investigations, and

submitted their reports and evidence to the House. The original motion was agreed to by a majority of 314 to 31. -On the 13th, Mr. Stanley moved a string of resolutions, concluding with a proposal to commute the Church's claim to tithes for landed rights. It is evident that the force of events has driven Ministers to entertain a bolder scheme than at first; but they must go further. The only measure which can settle the question, is to place the Catholic and Presbyterian churches in Ireland on a footing of equality with the Episcopalian, and abrogate tythes for ever.---Some other Irish grievances have been adverted to, but no legislative proceedings having been founded upon them; they tell only as indications of public feeling, for which the reader is referred to the head of "Ireland." The most important bills introduced with a view to the benefit of Ireland, are ---"A bill for consolidating and amending the laws relative to Jurors and Juries in Ireland ;" and "A Bill to repeal an act, &c. entituled, an Act to amend the Law of Ireland, respecting the Assignment and Subletting of Lands and Tenements,' and to substitute other provisions in lieu thereof;"---"An Act to extend the Jurisdiction of Civil Bill Courts in Ireland, from the late Irish currency to the present currency of the realm ;" and "An Act to enable his Majesty's PostmasterGeneral to extend the accommodation by Post, and regulate the Privilege of Franking in Ireland." The urgency of the Irish distillers has extorted a partial repeal of the malt drawback, to the manifest detriment of many individuals in Scotland, and without any rational prospect of advantage to themselves. Any thing that bolsters up the old rotten system of seeking to alleviate impolitic burdens by the costly counter-agent of appointing officials to repay what ought never to have been exacted, ought to be eschewed.

FINANCE.---The King's speech promised that the estimates for the ensuing year should be formed "with the strictest regard to economy. It has been proposed by Ministers, that the financial year shall, in future, begin on the first of April and close on the 31st of March. This accounts for the manner in which the estimates are here stated. Civil Government Charges from 1st January 1832, to 31st March 1833, Civil Contingencies for

0

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£195,000 0

200,000 0

same period, Miscellaneous Estimates

for same period,

In the whole of these estimates, there is a visible struggle to retrench. This praiseworthy effort is particularly conspicuous in the Naval department.-The Army Estimates are the most obnoxious to censure; so much so, that Sir Henry Parnell's determination not to move them in their present form, was one of the principal causes of his resignation. The evil lies in the anomalous arrangement which places the whole real power in this department in the Commander-inChief's office. The Secretary at War is, in most matters, merely a clerk to register the acts of the Horse Guards. The Duke of Wellington, through the instrumentality of his creature, Lord Hill, is, at present, the real minister in this department. The charge of the debt continues exactly where it was.Exertions have been made to simplify the system of management in some departments of government in a manner that promises immediate retrenchment, and increased power of future control. remark is applicable, in particular, to Sir James Grahame's bill, to "amend the laws relating to the business of the Civil Departments of the Navy, and to make other regulations for more effectually carrying on the Duties of the said Departments." The benefits of the Bill for uniting the office of Surveyor-General of Works with that of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, is more questionable. The Board of Works might have more advantageously been merged in the Ordnance department.-Ministry have committedo ne unfortunate blunder

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