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ed in laying the foundations of an independent monarchy, which the third of his successors, Al Moezz, established finally in Egypt, A. H. 362, (A. D. 972,) where it remained unshaken amidst the repeated and violent attacks of the Bagdad Khalifs, until ultimately and completely overthrown by Saladin. Whether Obeidallah the founder of this dynasty, was really of the house of Ali, is one of the most doubtful and disputed points in oriental history, The Mo. hammedan historians have given such contradictory accounts of his parentage and extraction, that it seems impossible to separate the truth from the mass of exaggeration with which political and religious prejudice has adulterated and disguised it. But be that as it may, it is agreed on all hands, that from the time of his first asserting these pretensions, he fully espoused and uniformly promoted the temporal and spiritual interests of the followers of Ali. To this, mere policy would have impelled him as a means of widening the breach between him and the reigning family, and we find accordingly, that from the first foundation of the Fatimite Khalifat in Egypt, the Shiah doctrines were zealously professed, and established by authority, in the capital of Egypt. We have already seen how propitious the principles and spirit of that sect have always been to fanatical extravagance, and wild theological speculation. And we now find in perusing the contemporary annals of the Eastern and Western Khalifats, that while heretic after heretic was strangled in the dungeons, or burnt in the streets, of Bagdad, for maintaining the incarnation of the Deity in Ali, or preaching the mystical pantheism of the Sufis-the propagators of the self-same doctrines were in Cairo reverenced as prophets, and rewarded as public benefactors. From the time that Al Moezz made his entrance into Egypt, the extravagance of the Shiahs was allowed full scope. So many heterogeneous absurdities had been propagated and exploded, and the popular credulity burdened with so many

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conflicting novelties of faith and practice, that the minds of the vulgar began to be unsettled and the people seemed disposed to throw off the trammels of religion altogether, when at length under the auspices of Hakem Biamrillah the chaos was reduced in some degree to order and wrought into the semblance of a system.

The notorious prince just mentioned, was the fifth Fatimite sovereign after Obeidallah, and the third who reigned in Egypt. He ascended the throne A. H. 386,* at a very early age, and after some years of fickle and inactive government, began to exhibit symptoms of the wildest madness, combined with the most extravagant impiety. His official acts at this period of his reign, as recorded by Makrizi, are pitiable specimens of mingled folly, insanity, and wickedness. In one of his edicts he commands all the dogs of Cairo to be massacred; in another he forbids the women of the city to leave their homes on any pretext or at any time. On one day he required that the names of the first three Khalifs should be cursed at public worship, and on the next revoked the order. In one decree he would regulate with minuteness and precision the distinctive dress to be worn by Jews and Christians, and before the change could well be made, would issue another altering the fashion and requiring strict obedience upon pain of death. As his malady increased, he grew restless, and passed whole nights in pompous marches through the streets of Cairo, requiring the bazars to be kept open and the shops to be illuminated. With an intellect thus crazed, and under the influence of the wild speculations of the wildest Shiahs, it is not surprising that the unhappy monarch became a tool in the hands of ambitious and fanatical impostors, who availed themselves of his insanity, to forward their own schemes of proselytism or aggrandizement. Of these the most conspicuous were Mo

*A. D. 996.

became prevalent among the Arab sectaries, No extravagance was thought too wild, no absurdity too gross to be pressed into the service of the son of Abu Taleb. By degrees Mohammed seemed to lose the supremacy to which his prophetical character entitled him, and to yield the first place in the eyes and hearts of the Shiahs to his son-in-law and Vizir. The eternity of the Koran was denied by pontifical authority in the reign of Almamun, the Sonnah or canonical traditions were rejected, or to speak more properly, gave way to a new traditionary code of a different complexion; the names of the first three Khalifs were recited in the mosques only to be cursed by the officiating priest, and in a word, the Shiahs and Sonnis learned to regard each other as worse than heretics, idolaters, and infidels. The policy of the Sonnis obviously was to fly to the opposite extreme-to reject all mystical interpretations and visionary theories, and by adhering strictly to the letter of the Koran and the Sonnah, to counteract the licentious extravagance of the schismatics. In this course they have persevered unto this day, counting the letters of the Koran, while the Shiahs converted them into cabalistic symbols, and illustrating the text by puerile traditionary comments, while the Shiahs enveloped it in the smoke of their mystical metaphysics.

We have already said, that the great subject of contention between these sects, was the divine right of Ali to the Khalifat-the Shiahs considering the claims of his family to pontifical authority as unalienable and exclusive, the Sonnis maintaining that the office was purely elective, and denying the existence of any hereditary right. There are two Arabic words which are used to denote the head of the Mohammedan religion-Khalif and Imam. The first meaning merely a successor, has been applied indifferently to all who have united the spiritual and temporal authority. The other is exclusively appropriated by the Shiahs to the

legitimate princes of the house of Ali. Of these they reckon twelve, the first and second being Ali and his first-born Hassan who renounced the Khalifat about the fortieth year of the Hegira. The last of these twelve Imams, whom they call all Al Mohdi or the great director, is, according to the prevalent opinion of the Shiahs, still alive, and living in concealment, but is to reappear at some appointed period, not yet arrived. This wild conceit has been the fruitful source of many impositions, usurpations, and destructive wars throughout the west of Asia, as nothing could be easier among a people so disposed to believe things marvellous and new, than to personate this mysterious character who is constantly expected by the Shiahs to appear and restore the honor of the house of Ali. We find accordingly in oriental history innumerable instances of bold attempts to represent Almohdi for the purpose of corrupting the allegiance of the Faithful to their Khalifs and transferring their affections to some rival dynasty. The majority of these attempts were unsuccessful, though they assisted to shake the throne of Bagdad during the decline of the house of Abbas. In some instances, however, the results have been more serious, as in the case of the Fatimites who reigned in Egypt for above two hundred years, and whose history is the more deserving of attention, as it leads directly to that of the Druses.

About the close of the tenth century, Abu Mohammed Obeidallah assumed the title of Almohdi, and created a strong party in the African provinces against the reigning Khalif, Al Moktader Billah. The rank which he claimed at first, was that of Sultan or Khalif of Khairwan; but in a few years he assumed the style of Emîr Al Mumenin or Commander of the Faithful, and declared himself a lineal descendant of Ali, by his wife Fatimah, the daughter of Mohammed. Form this circumstance, was derived the name of Fatimites, ever afterwards applied to him and his successors. After a protracted period of sanguinary conflict, he succeed

bility of giving permanence and general diffusion among common people, to a system of over-strained and ultra mysticism. All the patronage of Hakem, all the intrigues of El Durzi, all the jargon of Hamza, were unable to force the absurd extravagance of the new doctrines upon the lower classes. They preferred the cold emptiness of orthodox Mohammedanism, with all its restrictions and formalities, or at least the more moderate varieties of the Shiah heresy ; and accordingly, they not only rose in opposition to the Khalif when the signal of revolt was given by the BenuKorra, but resisted all attempts made after the death of Hakem to resuscitate the suppressed ceremonies and reorganize the abandoned lodges. Nor has any success attended such attempts at any subsequent period. The great mass of the Mohammedans continue to adhere to the religion of the Koran; and though a tincture of the spirit which characterized the worshippers of Hakem has been imparted to some unimportant sects, it has never since been popular or diffusive. The only community that is known to have preserved the system of Hamza and El Durzi, in its principles and details are the Druses of Mount Libanus, and even among them it is a secret at this day.

The circumstances which attended Hakem's death are enveloped in extrordinary mystery, rendered more remarkable by its contrast with the minuteness of detail, which for the most part characterizes the Arabic historians. An attempt was made by the high priests of the new religion to inspire a belief among the people, that he had only disapappeared, like Al Mohdi, his progenitor, and like him would reappear at some convenient season. It was the less difficult to fabricate this tale, from the fact, that the Khalif was assassinated, in a private place, to which he retired at stated periods, to hold secret converse with the prophets and apostles. But subsequent events completely falsified this pious fraud, except in the eyes of the

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