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character fubfervient to their felfish refentments, to their fecurity and interefts. Whatever measures, and whatever conduct they fhall find it neceffary to approve, let it be no more their mean and paltry artifice, to fanctify them, by pretending that they are the king's measures and the king's conduct. Can they be fo infatuated as to flatter themselves, that the nation has forgotten how formerly, when they (being patriots) opposed the measures of the adminiftration, right or wrong, for twenty years together, with the fon of their king profeffedly at their head; it was then their neceffary and only plea for their juftification, that they did not, nor ought to be understood to intend to oppofe the crown, but the minister alone? They cannot furely, with any colour of justice, and with confiftency, refuse to admit from the North Briton the fame explanation of his oppofition to the prefent minifters, that they profeffed and laid claim to heretofore, to palliate their own and they must be forced to allow, from the quotation of the article of impeachment abovementioned, that it is no new doctrine to infift that the minifter is anfwerable to the people for the veracity of all the facts declared officially from the throne; and confequently, that when the Speech fhall depart ever fo little from the stricteft adherence to truth, it may be argued upon and expofed, conftitutionally, towards the condemnation of the minifter, without any diminution of that refpect, which always fhould be paid to the crown itself, and which more particularly is due to the perfon of the most virtuous and amiable prince who now wears it.

The Craftsman, that zealous fupporter of liberty, with whom I began, concludes another of his papers in the following words, moft applicable to the prefent times: Every Englishman has a right, by our laws, to judge and debate thefe affairs; and I am fure his majesty will abhor the thoughts of ' abridging

abridging this liberty, though weak and wicked men endeavour to fcreen themfelves under the * protection of his facred name,'

A LOVER OF TRUTH.

Further ftrictures on the king's speech.

DURING the adminiftration of Sir Robert Walpole, there were strong debates in the house of commons, on the fubject of keeping up a large ftanding army in time of peace. Sir Robert was in no humour of thinking to reduce the army, because he very well knew the larger it was, the more commiffions he fhould have at his difpofal, and confequently the more friends to fupport him.

But as fome plaufible pretext was neceffary to fet a face on the affair, he trumped up a story which he put into the king's fpeech, and his majesty very gravely and unknowingly delivered it to both houses of parliament.

His majefty, among other things, acquainted them, he had received certain intelligence that the emperor of Germany, and the king of Spain, had concerted to invade thefe kingdoms in favour of the pretender.

As foon as ever the emperor's ambaffador at our court heard of it, he wrote directly an account of it to his mafter, who very foon fent him back an order to repair immediately to court, and defire audience to the king, and to affure him, upon the faith and honour of a crowned head, he never had fuch a thought or defign.

Several leading men in the house, fome of whom are ftill living, made no fcruple of accufing Sir Robert with having been the occafion of the king's uttering a falfehood; and yet neither themfelves or their papers were ever feized upon; nor did the king think it an infult offered to himself, that they

charged

charged his minifter with having misinformed him; for it was thought, his majefty was afterwards convinced of the falsehood

The fame fubject continued.

W. W.

IT is an established doctrine in our government that the K. can do no wrong. Why fhould it not alfo be understood, that the K. cannot fpeak wrong? K-s have fometimes been over-perfuaded by their ministers and favourites, to take the blame of their misconduct; but the English parliament and people have always difregarded that fubterfuge, and afferted it to be their right, to examine and to punish the minister's mifconduct. Sir R. Walpole, under all the cenfure he lay for corruption, and for the convention, and other parts of his miniftry, conftitutionally and nobly faid, he fcorned to fculk ⚫ behind the throne, and held himself to be refponfible for what was done and spoke in his admi'nistration. The great ftatefman of this age adopted the fame fentiment, and much is he to be. commended for it; though a few fycophants, or rather enemies to their country, endeavoured to mifrepresent his words and his meaning.

The houfes of parliament have established the doctrine of the fpeeches from the throne, being the minifter's; and a right view of the parliamentary debates will plainly thew the parliament's affertion and use of this doctrine. I would not be underftood to aim at juftifying indecent reflections, or any fort of abuse of this doctrine; but while we do enjoy the liberty of speaking and writing what we think about our religion, laws, and government, (fubject only to the judgment of the law when we exceed our bounds) to which liberty our prefent religion, laws, and government are in a great mea

fure

fure owing. I would be glad to be informed whe ther the people of England and Wales are bound to receive all that is delivered from the throne, or declared by proclamation, with filent reverence, implicit faith, approbation and fubmiffion? and whether it is abfolutely unlawful for individuals to talk, or to write about things which are represented and declared (as it is humbly understood) to the parliament and people, by fpeech or proclamation? If it is not abfolutely unlawful, how far may individuals go, and no further? Where is the line to be laid? Perhaps it may, at laft, after much difcuffion, be faid, our courts of juftice are to judge of the propriety and impropriety of all acts, writings and fpeeches, that concern any part or branch of the government; and to them and our juries may it ever belong.

It is a great misiortune and hardship upon the people to have their representatives taken perfonally, and high refentment fhewn for their pointing. out apparent defects or faults in the miniftry or. administration. If the K. though he acts directly. according to the council and advice of the minifters of the state, is not to be blamed for their advice and their actions (as they are properly termed); when they are wrong, why is he to take and bear the blame of their words, as the fpeeches and proclamations are universally understood to be fettled by, and to be the public declarations of the council and minifters of the state, of what has been done, or is to be done, with respect to thefe kingdoms?

It is much to be feared, that a haughty inconfiderate favourite abused the confidence he was honoured with, and used his endeavours to fpread some unconftitutional notions of prerogative and government, where his duty to his k―g and country required far other councils; endeavours which have occafioned the prefent misunderstandings, and

have always made a principal part of the high charges against former prefumptuous minifters and favourites.

Instead of inftilling fuch notions, it was his duty to have recommended the hiftory of our laws and government, and the writings of perfons well versed in our conftitution; fuch as Cotton's treatise upon confultations with refpect to marriage, peace and war; even Hale's pleas of the crown, p. 159. Part of the good lord Clarendon's life from p. 178 to 182 of the 2d vol. Lord Bacon, Locke, Acherley's Britannic Conftitution; and from p. 402 to 405 of the discourses of a learned and good judge, who is a living honour to his country and to mankind. For thefe and other writers upon our government are thought to have shown fufficiently;

That our government was instituted for the good of the governed.

That the prerogatives are only to refpect the people, as obferved in Shower's parliament cafes, and elsewhere; and particularly as to the prerogatives of making peace and war; that war cannot now be carried on, without the people's confent and affiftance; nor a peace made against their intereft and approbation, without the minifters being made to atone for it; of which many recent inftances are to be found in the times of Charles II. William III. and George I. that the crown of England is a truft, and the principle upon which it was created was, the-Salus Populi.

That the officers of the ftate, though nominated by the crown, are the fervants of their country, as well as of the crown, and refponfible to their country as well as to the crown.

That the good and happy kings of England reign only in the hearts of the people,

The Godlike empire of an English king.

For what Leland wrote of the old British, (the prefent Welch language) may be faid of the EngVOL. I.

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