rigours which Scotchmen are prone to exercife, from the arrogance which arifes from their ariftocratical principles. Even the English noblemen are feen tender of, availing themfelves of the privileges of peerage which the conftitution allows them and if any act otherwife, they are fure to be hated for it; as all men will be detefted who appear arbitrary and tyrannical in office. These are juftifiable motives in Englishmen for being jealous of high power over them being given to the Scots. As juftifiable is that of having a right regard for their own interefts: and fuch we muft fuppofe they ever will have, as being what really ought to be. A SOUTH BRITON.

A defence of LORD BUTE.

Multos abfolvemus, fi cæperimus ante judicare, quam irafci. Nunc autem primum impetum fequimur: deinde quamvis vana nos concitaverint, perfeveramus, ne videamur cæpile fine caufa: et quod iniquiffimum eft, pertinaciores nos facit iniquitas ira.

TH

Senec. de Ira, lib. iii.

HERE has been of late a change in the ministry, and this has produced a great deal of wonder, and is like to produce a great deal of altercation. Adminiftration has within half a century past, so far extended its immediate influence, that no alteration therein, however neceffary, can be made, but it must create a kind of feeling unknown to former times. There are now fuch numbers connected by intereft, or by hopes, which is as ftrong a tie, to men in power, that remove them with or without caufe, murmurs will rife.. Besides, there has been of late fo ftrong a propenfity to democracy, artfully encouraged by thofe whofe purpose it was to ferve, that multitudes were drawn to approve measures they did not under

stand,

ftand, and then taught to efpoufe them, by methods utterly inconfiftent with our constitution.

It is univerfally agreed, that we have a prince upon the throne as eminent for royal virtues, as confpicuous for the love of his people, as any monarch that ever filled it: a prince, who in his private life may be a pattern to his fubjects: a prince, who in duty to his parent, in affection to his confort, in his kindness to all the royal family, is apparently one of the best of princes: a monarch, who from the moment of his acceffion has been giving repeated marks to his fubjects of his real and fincere concern for their welfare; who, inftead of attempting to extend, has voluntarily curtailed his prerogative in thofe inftances where it night, in his own hands, or in those of his fucceffors, have been injurious to the public: a monarch, who has shewn a due regard to his glory, and at the fame time a royal tenderness for the vast expences that were requifite to fupport that glory, from the continuing of a war which preceded the commencement of his reign: a monarch, who in the midft of victories has always manifefted a defire of peace, and at the fame time a refolution to accept of no terms inconsistent with the honour, the fafety, and the welfare of the nation: a prince inclined to live with oeconomy, and recommending public frugality in the management of the public treasure to all his fervants. This monarch had his mind formed, and thofe confeffedly excellent principles inftilled by this new minifter, who, though he be a new minifter, had been his old and faithful fervant.

But though these fervices might be fufficient to recommend him to the king, there may be fomething more neceffary to reconcile the royal choice to the people. This minifter has none of the ufual connections; he has not been raised to power by a VOL. I. D faction;

faction; he has not, he cannot have that kind of influence which might fupport his measures of whatever nature: he muft, therefore, be supported by the rectitude of his measures. His merit recommended him to his mafter; his merit only can juftify his master's choice to his fubjects. It is upon this, and this alone, that his adminiftration depends; and this, one may prefume to fay, is the best and strongeft fecurity the nation can have for his behaviour. It is impoffible for us to distrust him without diftrufting ourselves: when we pretend to doubt of his capacity for government, we give up our own capacity of being equal and impartial judges, and feem to be afraid of that confidence which the most gracious of all fovereigns reposes in us.

But it will be objected, that, notwithstanding all this, he may meet with oppofition. No doubt of it the Burleighs, the Walfinghams, the Clarendons, the Somers's, the Godolphins, all met with oppofitions; and yet they were great and good minifters. If fome kings have been undone by adhering to their favorites, many more have been made unhappy through the want of steadiness to fupport their minifters. It is no great difcovery, that as evil minifters will be oppofed by good fubjects, fo honeft minifters may be maligned by faction.

An answer to the preceding letter.

TH

HE firft allegation I fhall take notice of is, that there has been of late fo strong a pro'penfity to democracy, &c.'

I know of no power that the commons have of late gained in Great Britain. They are like the Scotch nobility, reprefented in parliament; and, like the Scoch nobility too, liable to be difpofed

of

of by their representatives. They are those who furnith the principal fupplies to government, by their numbers and their labours; they are the principal defenders of the nation, and atchievers of its conquefts. They have therefore rightly belonging to them a third part of the legislative power. But has their part of that power any way retrenched the portion of it which belongs to the peers? or have they not rather loft a part thereof by the continual alienations of property, and of course influence, from the late frequent removal of many of the rich men of their order into that of the peerage? Power follows property: and every acceffion of property to the aristocratical fcale, lightens that of the democratic. Should the frequent practice of peermaking therefore go on, the houfe of peers, in a fhort time, will become the makers of the house of commons, by which means they will enslave both the crown and the people, and eftablish a virtual aristocracy, of all kinds of government that which is moft tyrannical.

That his majefty poffeffes all the illuftrious qualities of mind and heart, which are mentioned in the preceding letter, there is no Briton who does not acknowledge: but there are fome who do doubt of his having his mind formed, and all thofe excellent principles inftilled in him by this new minifter, because he was neither parent, or governor, or preceptor to him, but was a meer officer of his houfhold, and that not in the highest degree; nor have we reafon to believe, that his fuperiors in ftation were either lefs virtuous, lefs wife, or lefs zealous than himfelf; and therefore as he had a moft excellent parent, had honourable governors and able preceptors, as well as many other officers about him of great character and merit, ought we not to attribute fome of his rare virtues to his own excellent nature and difpofition, and moft of his mental

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mental infufions, to that fond parent who fo tenderly loved him, and to thofe honourable and worthy perfonages whofe exprefs duty it was to form his mind by education? all of whom are thus robbed of their honour to decorate the shrine of a volunteer, whofe flatterers indirectly accufe them of neglect, in order to bestow a high merit on him, for what in his ftation he cannot be fuppofed to have had any thing to do with.

But what affumptions are too daring for refolute ambition? If this extraordinary fervant really loved his royal master, his own interefts would have been the last which he would have laboured to promote. The attachments of real friendships are always generous and difinterefted. They are mean fycophants and minions, who feek by fervilities to create a confidence which they avail themselves of for their own perfonal advantage. A truly noble nature fhould have carefully guarded against all fuch imputations, by declining the favours on which envy or fufpicion could raise a doubt of real worth; and have difdained to fink as a friend, in order to rife as a fervant.

Can that stock of friendship and merit be a true one, where one party, in order to acquire power, is feen refolutely to facrifice the popularity of the other? No: let us learn to diftinguifh affection from pretenfion, and give to every quality and thing, no other than its proper name.

But (fays his advocate) this minifter has none of the ufual connections.' On which I afk, will the treasury not create them? He has not

been raifed to power by faction.' But will not his power form a faction for him? I warrant it will, if you give it but time to operate. He has not, he cannot have that kind of influence which fupport his measures of whatever nature: he muit therefore be fupported by the rectitude of

• his