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Answer to the preceeding letter.

IF the Gentleman who figns himfelf An Indepen, dent Whig, is only as independent as thofe obfervations speak him to be impartial; it will then be no longer a doubt that he is the tool of faction, inftead of being the advocate of liberty. For to pass over the want of confiftency, in his first affertion, and foundation in fact, that the ftrength ' of the oppofition, fupported by the united voice ' of the whole English nation, no doubt occafioned 'the late refignation.' I would only appeal to the candor of the public, whether the characterifing a ministry, the very names of whom are not yet known, when not a fingle arrangement is actually made, nor one office yet beftowed; I fay, whether the branding adminiftration yet in embryo, will not stand forth an odious, yet a fure and certain teft of the spirit of libelling? and that not content with injuries, and mifrepresentations of real events, he defames upon conjecture, and trumpets forth oppofition to phantoms of his own creation. When it shall be fully afcertained who the gentlemen are that will compose administration, it will then furely be time enough, it will then at least be more decent and more difcreet, to deliver fentiments concerning them. 'Till then it can only ferve the purpose of stirring up those general ferments in which felfifh and illdefigning men may flatter themselves to be gainers, but which must be matter of ferious concern to all true lovers of their country.

A. Y.

REPLY.

REPLY.

THE refignation of the last great man has put the world into confufion. Almost every one thought there was not power enough to force him to it; but there is no knowing what even a little power can do, 'till it is tried. I no fooner faid, that the strength of the oppofition, fupported by the united voice of the whole English nation, occafioned that refignation,' than one Mr. A. Y. fteps forth and talks about facts being mifrepreented. I fhould be glad to know what facts are mifreprefented; and he is here called upon to prove which, and in what manner, they are mifreprefented. It is a juftice which is due to the public, who ought not, nor fhall not, be impofed upon with falle affertions, or evafive plausibilities.

Is it not notorious that it has been declared by authority, that his majefty has been pleased to place his government in the hands of the Right Hon. George Grenville, the earl of Egremont, and the earl of Halifax; and that in all cafes of importance, they are not to act separately, but in an agreement of the three? Will not this very day, [Apr. 13.] or at fartheft, the courfe of the week, prove the truth of all the material facts afferted in the paper which has fo unjustly given offence?The anfwer feems to come from authority. Whether they begin to be afraid of their own filly work or not, time alone can determine; but I am fure there is not one impartial man about the court, who will not acknowledge, that the state of the cafe as pointed in that paper, was not matter of invention, but founded upon the then real intentions of the gentleman at prefent behind the curtain.

I do not understand what he means by the true Spirit of libelling. What! will he talk of libels, when it is notorious to all the world, that the ad

vocates

vocates of his cause have published the most infamous ones that ever came from the prefs? that their flanders, falfehoods, and fcurrilities were utterly detefted by all honeft men. Pray let it be afked, who raised the fpirit of libelling? Did not the hired advocates of the late adminiftration (or the prefent, for I repeat it again, that it is only the dregs of the laft) fay, that Mr. Pitt wrote a letter to the duke of Newcastle, foliciting his grace's intereft with his late majefty for a penfion; and does not the duke of Newcastle, on all occafions, publicly declare, that he never had fuch a letter? And did they not make and publish a speech, which they afferted was the late earl Granville's in council, and did not his lordship several times declare, there was not even ONE fingle word of truth in that fpurious production; I could bring a thousand inftances of falfehood, and the TRUE fpirit of libelling, from the Briton and Auditor; but I forbear to disturb the afhes of thofe dead minifterial tools, who when living were the contempt of mankind; and died, because daily experience convinced their patrons, they were the worst of enemies to the cause they were hired to fupport.

Mr. A. Y. talks of the indecency there is in faying any thing about the miniftry, 'till it is fettled. To which I firmly answer, that there is, in fuch a cafe, no indecency; and that the moft fit time to talk, is before the ministry is settled; as the arguments, if founded on the public intereft, may in fome measure influence the impartial choice of men; for what good will talking do afterwards? only ferve to raise fuch another ferment, as we have lately feen, for the overthrow of another minifter. The people cannot, they will not, be fatisfied with thofe in whom they do not chufe to place their confidence: nor can it be fuppofed, that his majefty,

who

who is ever difpofed to meet his people half way, can now be a stranger to their wishes.

He fays in effect, every thing is in a state of uncertainty. I grant it: for I do not fee how any thing fhould be otherwise. Notwithstanding the three heads which now rule, are, in these days of anarchy and divifion, fit to prefide over these kingdoms yet as they were moft evidently concerned in the peace and the excife, the people are in no better an humour than before. The few changes which have been made, are only among a particular fet of men on one fide. The oppofition (which is compofed of the flower of the English nobility, as well with refpect to talents as to independency) does not seem to be in the least affected: or if any thing, it will gain ftrength; for it is well known, that many eminent perfonages have been for fome time timorous about taking either fide. They difliked the adminiftration; and as for the oppofition, they then confidered it as entering into a kind of a profcription for life, from the little probability there feemed to be of fuccefs; but now as the fuperftructure, to the astonishment of mankind, is removed, and nothing but the fhadow of the pillar left, it is not doubted, but many who before were neuter, will now openly declare themfelves: and it is fincerely hoped, that an amicable capitulation among all parties, may fpeedily take place. The intereft and the bufinefs of the nation, call for it in the most preffing manner. A mixed miniftry is what has ever been the moft happy and glorious for England. For inftance, what contributed more to the restoration of harmony after the lofs of Minorca, and to the establishment of that firm and unalterable union during Mr. Pitt's adminiftration, than the placing in the feveral principal departments of government, the leaders of both ties; particularly fuch as were distinguished by

par

ability,

ability, not by favour. They then joined hand to hand, and this produced the immortal glories of the war. Let not our present æra be distinguished by the advancement of only incapable men, and breaches in feveral of the most noble and illustrious families in the realm: let it rather be recorded to posterity, that when divifions unhappily broke out among the loyal and faithful fervants of the crown and nation, they were, under the aufpices of George III. (as they had been before under George II.) restored to a perfect understanding, union, and cordiality; and Britain again experienced the happy effects of harmony, and friendship reigned throughout her people, which was the more valued, because the want of it had been felt.

An INDEPENDENT WHIG.

QUERIES, written by A Moderate Whig; with the anfwers, by A True Whig.

Q

UERE 1. By the established constitution of these kingdoms at the revolution, has the king a right to make peace and war, or not? Anf. By the constitution of these kingdoms, repaired and strengthened at the revolution, the king has power, by and with the advice of his privycoucil, to declare war, and to negociate peace. But that the king has, or that there is inherent in the royal prerogative, an abfolute, unlimited, and uncontroulable right,either to make or to decline to make war or peace; or in making peace to agree to any ceffions or conceffions which the crown may think fit, I take to be a doctrine manifeftly fubverfive of the conftitution, deftructive of the rights of parliament, and tending to overthrow the liberties of this FREE PEOPLE. Nor will any body, I imagine,

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