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and that they, who have been fo long known to the public, are at last discovered at Court.

We are not yet fo ungrateful, giddy, and inconstant as they are pleased to think us. We cannot be feduced into a fudden liking for those whom we had fo long exclaimed against, only because they are now as odious to their Sovereign as they are to us. When the public hue and cry, which has never ceased to purfue these minifters, has at laft awakened the indignation of our Sovereign to do juftice on them, we will not be foolish enough to fupplicate now only pardon, but power for those who have funk under our own profecution.

To crown the intolerable folly of these puppet minifters, they boast in their libel, of having added to the rest of their acts of violence and oppreffion, the difmiffion of Mr. Mackenzie; not because he had offended their Sovereign as an officer, or as a man, or had ever done any act offenfive to them as minifters, but merely in the fport of power and infolence of authority, to fhew what they could do. Truly this is pretty plain speaking. I, for one, muft profefs, that this infolence of power is to me full as infufferable, from a man whom neither the King likes, nor the people approve, as from the moft declared favourite.

These are the men that have the infolence to attempt to brand thofe who are now coming in with the general voice of the nation, to restore our affairs, as acting in fubferviency to that favourite, to whom they themselves have fo long been tools and inftruments. That they have been fo, though they had denied, inftead of confeffing it, we might readily believe. The dependency of their fortunes, the meanness of their capacity, their total want of confideration with the public, rendered them the fittest persons in the world to be fo.

Is this the cafe with thofe whom the voice of the public has recommended to their Sovereign? the highest rank, the most extensive fortunes, the most really unblished characters, the best experience in business, and the first talents for it; the defenders and the martyrs of liberty are these whom our Sovereign has for ever endeared himself to his people by calling to his fervice.

I do not intend to pay fo ill a compliment to any of them, as to compare them with those whom they are to fucceed; let us add, that these come in with the avowed approbation and fupport of that great man, to whom this nation, in the late war, owed that glory and power, which it has been the fole business of our late minifters to depreciate by their difcourfes, and to destroy by their conduct. This arrangement is carried on under the aufpices of a great Prince, whom the diftreffes of his King and Country have awakened to a second life; and who now is come to the relief of that crown by his counfels, which he had formerly preferved by his arms. In vain fhall fcribblers endeavour to perfuade us, that the Duke of Cumberland, that the Duke of Newcastle, the Duke of Grafton, the Marquis of Rockingham, the families of the Cavendishes and Kepples, that Charles Townfhend, General Conway, Sir George Saville, Sir Charles Saunders, are perfons who could, in the way that Mr. Grenville and his affociates have been, be made the tools and inftruments of any favourite.

Of all their calumnies, this is the moft fenfelefs. It is not the effect of the abfurd endeavours of their fcribblers; no, nor the treacherous Family Compact of two brothers, which can fhake the firm fabric of his Majefty's pious love, for the fafety and fatisfaction of his people.

There is another Family Compact formed upon other principles, against which their cabal must be

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dafhed to pieces; an union of names too facred to be mentioned with theirs; an union formed upon intentions as much nobler, and of force as much greater, as it is of a dignity fuperior. Their cabal must be contemptible indeed, when it is neither joined nor countenanced by that great man, to whose alliance alone the Grenville name own their dignity and confideration.

I take no notice of other papers of this Anti-Sejanus, but I may hereafter; for while falfhoods are propagated with industry, I fhall think it proper to be An OCCASIONAL WRITER.

I FORESAW from the beginning that one part of my task would be of no long duration. The character, which Mr. Grenville's laborious infignificance, his

"Pangs without birth, and fruitless industry," had endeavoured to establish of a man of knowledge in public bufinefs, as it could not ftand the teft of the flighteft examination, muft be, I was certain, foon given up even by his flatterers. My conjecture has been confirmed by the event, and even fomething earlier than I could have reafonably expected.

I fhall therefore leave that gentleman to the innoxious exertion of his laborious genius in the further improvement of his private fortune, and let him gently fall into the lap of that oblivion, into which a mere creature of office muft inevitably fink, as foon as ever he is removed from employment.

Before I take my leave, however, of this phantom of a departed minifter, I cannot help obferving a little upon a most abfurd affectation of the flatterers of Mr. Grenville; who taking the advantage of a vifit he had paid at Hayes, they now, on all occafions, affect to join his name with Mr. Pitt's, as if fome fort of refemblance existed between their VOL. II. minifterial

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minifterial characters; or as if there were fome fort of agreement between their opinions upon public affairs.

If we were to feek for the most marked contraít which could be made out between two characters, either naturally or politically confidered, I fuppofe it would be impoffible to find any more perfectly fit to be fet in direct oppofition to each other, than thofe of Mr. Grenville and Mr. Pitt.

As much as a laborious perplexity differs from intuitive penetration, as much as narrownefs differs from enlargement, as much as meannefs differs from fublimity, fo much do the genius, the temper, the difpofitions, and the habits of Mr. Grenville differ from thofe of Mr. Pitt. And no man who can distinguish exactness from greatness, the detail of office from the great circle of politics, or a kingdom from a fhop, will ever think of speaking of those two perfonages in the fame breath, either as men or as minifters.

Their talents and turn of mind do not differ as the greater and the lefs; but are in direct oppofition to each other. The political opinions of both are known and avowed; let us ftate and compare them.

Mr. Pitt, along with Great-Britain that enjoys the advantages, and France who feels the loffes of the late war (as far as the late glorious peace has permitted the one to enjoy, and the other to fuffer) confidered the war, and the extent of our conquefts, as the glory and the prefervation of this.country.

Mr. Grenville confidered the opinion we entertained of the late war, and the value we fet upon our conquefts, as the effect of popular madness; in all his fpeeches, and those of his faction, it was always fpoken of under the appellation of the unfortunate war.

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Mr. Pitt thought we ought to fulfil, with a fidelity worthy of the honour of Great-Britain, all our engagements with a certain great Prince; who, dufing the late war, by diverting the attention of a vaft body of our enemies, left the field open to us, to carry our arms victoriously over every part of the globe.

Mr. Grenville thinks it a wife oeconomical meafure, to difguft our great ally, by little cavils on the payment of his fubfidy; and it is his opinion, that the faving of half a crown to the finking-fund, is a more important object, than the credit of the nation and the affection of our allies.

Mr. Pitt thinks that we ought, by well chofen alliances, to prevent the approach of danger, weaken the connections of France, and maintain the balance of power in our own hands.

Mr. Grenville difclaims all knowledge of foreign affairs; and thinks no alliance worth the money paid for engroffing the treaty.

Mr. Pitt thinks that the national ftock ought to be encreased; that our unprovided debt fhould be established on proper funds; that the finking fund ought to be encreased by new fupplies, and not fimply by futile favings; and that this fund ought to be kept facred and inviolable.

Mr. Grenville thinks, that an hundred and forty millions of debt is to be paid by faving of pence and farthings; that the unfunded debt fhould be left to take care of itself, that the finking fund is to be applied to as a prefent refource: and that at the fame time the revenue is to receive no new aid, but what it may derive from his acconomy.

Which of these fyftems is the right one, I do not pretend to determine. I only fay they are oppofite; and that therefore no one can wish well to Mr. Grenville's continuance in power, who does not with him further opportunities (to ufe his own favourite

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