There may be those who favor annexation, who will excuse themselves in the thought that the government was only a monarchy, and that its overthrow, however accomplished, was a praiseworthy act.

Governments ought not to disregard their moral obliga

tions.

This transaction is tainted with injustice. Injustice it may be to the deposed Queen, but assuredly it is tainted with injustice to the 40,000 Hawaiians who should be permitted to speak in regard to the government of their native land. And we who have maintained the doctrine of Home Rule, who have pleaded for Ireland, who have raised millions of men from slavery to citizenship, can we either defend this proceeding or accept the fruit thereof?

Finally, what disposition is to be made of the present population? Of the native Hawaiians there are about 40,000, of Japanese 24,000, of Chinese 21,000, of Portugese 15,000, of Americans 3,000, of British, Germans and French combined there are 4,000, of other nationalities a thousand. Thus the Islands contain a population of 109,000. Are the Japanese and Chinese to be deported, the plantations to be abandoned and their owners to be consigned to ruin?

The pending treaty prohibits the further immigration of Chinese, and those who are now resident in the Islands are excluded from the mainland of the United States. By annexation the country will have in view the alternative of a vassal population within its jurisdiction, or the presence of a Mongolian State in the Union.

A Dangerous Movement.

It is strange how quickly the lessons of history are forgotten. A year ago or scarcely more, the hearts of the generous and humane throughout our country were burning with shame and indignation, as they were made to realize how the Christians under Turkish rule had suffered for our jealous and selfish foreign policy in times past. As has already been pointed out, that policy was the direct effect of the international distrust and jealousy which is inseparable from militarism, and which must continue while our great armaments last.

We interfered in 1876 between Russia and Turkey in the matter of the Armenian provinces, because we were jealous of the Russian power, and feared its further extension. Twenty years later we discovered that we ourselves were the objects of jealousy and suspicion, and that our self-constituted protectorship of the Armenians was a futile thing, which we dared not exercise in the hour of their direst need. Nay, our government did not even venture to send them pecuniary help; and had not the people of England, with some in other lands also, come forward with private help to a very large extent, the survivors of the massacres would actually have been left

check, it has in England received a new impetus during the past few months; and we are now moving on with alarming speed. Last year, a large additional sum was voted for the navy; now the cry goes forth that the army must be strengthened. Such a demand was made by Lord Wolseley in the paradoxical speech at Glasgow, in which he described England as the most peace-loving nation in the world, but nearly always at war somewhere, in the interests of peace. Next came the speech of the under secretary for war, taking up the speech of Lord Wolseley, and dilating on the "stupendous increase of territory" which the army is called to defend. A few days later a still more alarming utterance was made public, that of the Solicitor-General. It has been known for some time that the conscription is in favor with certain military authorities; but when an official person in high position lets fall such expressions as that it might be necessary to resort to the ballot, so that a certain proportion of citizens might be required to serve in the militia," we feel ourselves in face of a danger which it is scarcely possible to exaggerate.

the army

As if this were not enough, speech has followed speech within the last few days, either advocating an increase in which, as Mr. Broderick announces, is to be proposed by the government or defending the aggressive policy which occasions the call for such increase. This obvious connection must be carefully borne in mind, or we shall hardly realize the evil of identifying patriotism with the support of our petty wars of annexation, as has been done by Mr. Chamberlain at Glasgow, while at the same time, in the ears of our young people of both sexes, he poured ridicule on those who teach a world-wide human brotherhood.

It does not seem to be fully realized what rapid strides have been made in the increase of armaments during the latter part of the present reign. Since 1845, the outlay on the army and navy has been trebled, while the population has increased by less than fifty per cent. Thus the taxation of Great Britain for military purposes has, roughly speaking, doubled in proportion to the number of inhabitants, in little over forty years. And we know perfectly well that every addition to our own naval or military strength is a challenge to other nations to add to theirs; and that there is therefore no limit to such increase under the present vicious system, but that of the power of endurance of overtaxed populations. The comments of moderate French writers on Trafalgar celebrations may serve to remind us of a fact with which we are but too familiar. We may note also the struggles of China and Japan to take their place in the community of nations by becoming naval or military powers.

The perpetual increase of armies, out of proportion to the growth of population, naturally occasions two alternative evils, the gravity of which can scarcely be exaggerated, either the militarizing of whole nations, as on the continent, or, as with ourselves, the entrapping of the young and thoughtless into a career which under the conditions of a standing army means moral ruin to a large proportion of them. The very large number of boys under twenty serving in our own ranks, in India as well as elsewhere, is a fact equally sorrowful and disgraceful. Many, indeed, are even under seventeen. To what all this leads we know only too well.

Yet we can not regard the Continental system with any more complacency, when we consider the rapidity with

which free nations have been transformed into subjects of a despotism, through an all-devouring militarism which at first presented itself under the attractive aspect of patriotism. We feel it to be a healthy sign that the people of England should regard compulsory military service with the utmost repugnance, as fatal to liberty. But let us observe that this position may be undermined. It is scarcely recognized to how large an extent young people, including even mere babies in their infant classes, are receiving military training; and it is even less recognized how surely such a training will foster a warlike spirit. It is no imaginary danger that the coming generation as a whole may be familiarized with the thought of taking human life and led to acquire a taste for military service. We can scarcely believe that the probability is overlooked by military men in high positions who patronize Boys' Brigades and other similar organizations. Assuredly the peril is too serious for lovers of peace and of liberty to overlook; least of all should it pass unnoticed by the followers of the Prince of Peace, those whom he has made free, and who are called to stand fast in his liberty, and not to be "entangled again" with any "yoke of bondage."

And is there not a special duty laid on the ministers of the gospel, those who have to proclaim the absolute supremacy of Christ in the world for which he died, and to call men to place themselves under his "sweet yoke where lasting freedoms be," - the duty of making their voices heard, clearly and unmistakably, in opposition to a popular cry which would lure men away from him? Week by week it is their high privilege to dwell on the selfsurrender of Christ, on his laying down of his glory, "taking part" with us in that flesh and blood" which involves so many sufferings and temptations, becoming subject even to death, but in this position of weakness and danger living in absolute trust, refusing all defense which meant loss and pain to others, meeting injuries and insults not only with dignified meekness but with a patient and forgiving love which nothing could outweary, and finally enduring the cross, and even by that deepest darkness and humiliation winning a victory and a glory which no words can name, and a sovereignty which will one day be acknowledged throughout all the worlds. These things it is given them to teach, and then, turning to their brethren, to tell them as his messengers of their high calling to walk in his steps. Does this calling mean

can it ever mean the cowardice of armaments and the brutality of slaughter? Rather, must it not mean an absolute protest against these things, at any needed cost? Surely the submitting to be called by cheap nicknames, the loss of reputation or position, or the sacrifice of some of the strong but misleading impulses of nature, would not be too high a price to pay for the privilege of faithfulness to Him whose true manliness was no less conspicuous than his patience.

At this very moment, there are followers of their Lord who are suffering worse things than obloquy for their faithfulness to him in this very matter. Here in England we can as yet speak out clearly and fully, without encountering any personal risk. Will not the churches use this opportunity while it lasts, and stem the advancing tide of militarism before it grows resistless in its strength? We would not appear to overlook what has already been done in this direction. Far from this, we recognize with thankfulness the important service that has been rendered

to the cause of arbitration by the warm advocacy of the churches here as in America, and by all they have done to promote a brotherly feeling between the English-speaking races. But there is still the utmost need for a strong and unanimous movement forwards. There are solemn warnings before our eyes, not only in the fatal progress of militarism on the Continent, but in the degeneration of our own national morality. We look to the ministers of Christ to arrest this downward march; believing that they may yet save their country, if they will rise in the strength of his word within them, away from the splendors of an empire growing through bloodshed and broken faith, to the true glory of the Son of God. Now is the time; now, while we are preparing to celebrate his coming on this earth in weakness, yet in that weakness bearing with him the all-conquering might by which he triumphed over death. May God grant to his servants clear sight, and words of power; for truly in this matter we know not what a day may bring forth; and should a downward course be persisted in, the issue may be one of which we little dream.

- W. C. BRAITHWAITE, ESQ., in War or Brotherhood.

Justice Field and the Supreme Court.

There can be little doubt that the Supreme Court of the United States is one of the greatest, if not the greatest and noblest, of all our institutions. It is a great peace institution, the model, in some important respects, of the great international tribunal which is some day certain to be set up for all the nations of the world. We are sure our readers will all be delighted and profited by reading the letter which Justice Stephen J. Field recently sent to the other members of the Court when he retired from it

after thirty-four years of service. It is needless to say, what the whole nation knows, that Justice Field has been one of the most diligent, able and conscientious jurists ever connected with the Supreme Court. Here is the text of the letter:

SUPREME COURT OF THE United States,

WASHINGTON, D.C., Oct. 12, 1897. Dear Mr. Chief Justice and Brethren: Near the close of last term, feeling that the duties of my office had become too arduous for my strength, I transmitted my resignation to the President, to take effect on the first day of December next, and this he has accepted, with kindly expressions of regard, as will be seen from a copy of his letter, which is as follows:

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., Oct. 9, 1897. Hon. Stephen J. Field, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, Washington, D.C.— My Dear Sir: In April last Chief Justice Fuller, accompanied by Mr. Justice Brewer handed me your resignation as Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, to take effect Dec. 1, 1897. In hereby accepting your resignation, I wish to express my deep regret that you feel compelled by advancing years to sever your active connection with the court of which you have so long been a distinguished member.

"Entering upon your great office in May, 1863, you will, on the 1st of next December, have served upon this bench for a period of thirty-four years and seven months, a term longer than that of any member of the court since

its creation and throughout a period of special importance in the history of the country, occupied with as grave public questions as have ever confronted that tribunal for decision.

"I congratulate you therefore most heartily upon a service of such exceptional duration, fidelity and distinction. Nor can I overlook that you received your commission from Abraham Lincoln, and, graciously spared by a kind Providence, have survived all the members of the court of his appointment.

"Upon your retirement, both the bench and the country will sustain a great loss, but the high character and great ability of your work will live and long be remembered, not only by your colleagues, but by your grateful fellow countrymen.

"With personal esteem and sincere best wishes for your contentment and happiness during the period of rest which you have so well earned, I am, dear sir, very truly yours, WILLIAM MCKINLEY."

My judicial career covers many years of service. Having been elected a member of the Supreme Court of California, I assumed that office Oct. 13, 1857, holding it for five years, seven months and five days, the latter part of the time being Chief Justice. On the 10th of March, 1863, I was commissioned by President Lincoln a Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, taking the oath of office on the 20th day of the following May.

When my resignation takes effect my period of service on this bench will have exceeded that of any of my predecessors, while my entire judicial life will have embraced more than forty years. I may be pardoned for saying that during all this period, long in comparison with the brevity of human life, though in the retrospect it has gone with the swiftness of a tale that is told, I have not shunned to declare in every case coming before me for decision the conclusions which my deliberate convictions compelled me to arrive at, by the conscientious exercise of such abilities and requirements as I possessed.

It is a pleasant thing in my memory that my appointment came from President Lincoln, of whose appointees I am the last survivor. Up to that time there had been no representative here of the Pacific coast. A new empire had risen in the West, whose laws were those of another country. The land titles were from Spanish and Mexican grants, both of which were often overlaid by the claims of the first settlers. To bring order out of this confusion, Congress passed an act providing for another seat on this bench, with the intention that it should be filled by some one familiar with these conflicting titles and with the mining laws of the coast, and as it so happened that I had framed the principal of these laws, and was, moreover, Chief Justice of California, it was the wish of the Senators and Representatives of that state, as well as those from Oregon, that I should succeed to the new position. At their request Mr. Lincoln sent my name to the Senate, and the nomination was unanimously confirmed. This kindly welcome was extended in March, but I did not at once enter on the discharge of the duties of the office, for the reason that as Chief Justice of California I had heard arguments in many cases, in the disposition of which, and especially in the preparation of opinions, it was fitting that I should participate before leaving that bench; and I fixed the 20th of May as the day on which to take, as I did, the oath, because it was

the eighty-second birthday of my father, who indulged a just pride at my accession to this exalted position.

At the head of the court when I became one of its members, was the venerable Chief Justice Taney, and among the Associate Justices was Justice Waite, who had sat with Chief Justice Marshall, thus constituting a link between the past and the future; and, as it were, binding into unity nearly an entire century of the life of this court. During my incumbency three Chief Justices and sixteen Associated Justices have passed away, leaving me precious remembrances of common labors and intimate and agreeable companionship.

When I came here the country was in the midst of war. Washington was one great camp, and now and then the boom of cannon could be heard from the other side of the Potomac. But we could not say "inter arma silent leges." This court met in regular session, never once failing in time or place, and its work went on as though there were no sound of battle. Indeed, the war itself simply added

a

to the amount of litigation here as elsewhere. But the war ended in couple of years, and then came the great period of reconstruction and the last amendments to the Federal constitution. In the effort to re-establish the Nation, to adjust all things

to the changed political, social, and economic conditions, questions of farreaching import were developed questions of personal liberty, of constitutional right, which, after ofttimes heated discussions before the people and in the halls of Congress, came to us for decision. I do not exaggerate when I say that no more difficult and momentous questions were ever presented to this or any other court. look back with pride and joy to the fact that I was permitted to take part in the consideration of all those important questions, and that not infrequently I was called upon to express the judg

I

ment of this court thereon. And now that those times of angry debate, deep feeling, and judicial decision have passed, it is pleasant to realize that the conclusions announced by this court have been accepted, not simply of ne

cessity as so prescribed by the fundamental

law, but, in the main, as in themselves both correct and wise.

As we all know, the period of the war was followed by one continuous event to the present time of marvellous material development. Wealth accumulated such as never before was dreamed of in this country. Gigantic enterprises were undertaken and carried through. Inventions have multiplied the conveniences of life, as well as the possibilities of achievement. Indeed, the conditions of life have essentially changed from those that prevailed prior to the war. Out of this changed social and economical condition have sprung not merely an immense multitude of cases, but litigation of a character vitally affecting the future prosperity and safety of this country. To this court have come for final solution and decision many of these questions and cases. By the blessings of Almighty God, my health and life have been preserved, and I have been enabled to take part in the consideration of all these cases. Few appreciate the magnitude of our labors. The burden resting upon us for the last fifteen or twenty years has been enormous. The volumes of our reports show that I alone have written 620 opinions. If to these were added fifty-seven opinions in the Circuit court and 365 prepared while I was on the Supreme court of California, it will be seen that I have voiced the decision in 1,042 cases.

If it may be said that all of our decisions have not met with the universal approval of the American people, yet it is to the great glory of that people that always and everywhere has been yielded a willing obedience to them. The fact is eloquent of the stability of popular institutions, and demonstrates that the people of these United States are capable of self-government.

As I look back over the more than a third of a century that I have sat on this bench, I am more and more impressed with the immeasurable importance of this court. Now and then we hear it spoken of as an aristocratic feature of a republican government. But it is the most democratic of all. Senators represent their states and Representatives their constituents, but this court stands for the whole country, and as such it is truly "of the people, by the people, and for the people." It has indeed no power to legislate. It cannot appropriate a dollar of It carries neither the purse nor the sword. But money. it possesses the power of declaring the law, and in that is found the safeguard which keeps the whole mighty fabric of government from rushing to destruction. This negative power, the power of resistance, is the only safety of a popular government, and it is an additional assurance when the power is in such hands as yours.

With this I give place to my successor, but I can never cease to linger on the memories of the past. Among the compensations for all the hard work that a seat on this

bench imposes have been the intimacies and friendships that have been formed between its members. Though we have often differed in our opinions, it has always been an honest difference, which did not affect our mutual regard and respect. These many years have indeed been years of labor and of toil, but they have brought their own rewards; and we can all join in thanksgiving to the Author of our being that we have been permitted to spend so much of our lives in the service of our country.

With profound respect and regard, I am, my dear brethren, very sincerely and always yours,

STEPHEN J. FIELD.

Autonomy goes into effect in Cuba on January 1. The plan as published indicates that Spain has kept all real power in her own hands. The insurgents positively refuse to accept autonomy. General Gomez has issued instructions that all Spanish envoys coming to the insurgents to try to induce them to accept autonomy shall be courtmartialed and shot. It was under these instructions that General Ruiz was ordered court-martialed by General Aranguren. It seems that all hopes for immediate peace are gone. The devastating struggle will go on till one side or the other is exhausted.

THE New 1893-1897 EDITION OF

Johnson's Universal Cyclopaedia.

I. It is the only Cyclopædia in this country that has been thoroughly and comprehensively revised in every department since 1876, thus affording the latest information on every topic.

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The order and method of treatment make its information more readily accessible than any other similar work of reference.

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The School Board in Boston after a deliberate consideration of several Cyclopædias, on May 14, 1895, passed the following_resolution: Ordered, That hereafter only the new edition of Johnson's Cyclopædia be furnished to the schools."

Do not be deluded by so called dictionary-cyclopædias. The two cannot be combined in one work. Buy the Johnson and you will not regret it. Send for specimen pages.

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PEACE SOCIETIES IN AMERICA.

The American Peace Society, 3 Somerset St., Boston, Mass. Benjamin F. Trueblood, Secretary.

The Universal Peace Union, Independence Hall, Philadelphia, Pa., Alfred H. Love, President.

The Christian Arbitration and Peace Society, 310 Chestnut St., Philadelphia, Pa., Frank P. Smith, Secretary.

National Association for the Promotion of Arbitration, Washington, D. C., Belva A. Lockwood, President.

Peace Department of the N. W. C. T. U., Winthrop Centre, Maine, Hannah J. Bailey, Superintendent.

The Peace Association of Friends in America, Richmond, Ind. Daniel Hill, Secretary.

The South Carolina Peace Society, Columbia, S. C., Rev. Sidi H. Browne, President.

The Illinois Peace Society, 200 Randolph St., Chicago, Ill., Edward Coale, Holder, Ill., President, Allen J. Flitcraft, Cor.-Secretary. The Pacific Coast Arbitration Society, Monterey, Cal., E. Berwick, Secretary. The Connecticut Peace Society, Mystic, Conn., Christine V. Whipple, Secretary.

The Rhode Island Peace Society, Providence, R. I., Robert P. Gifford. Secretary. Friends' Peace Association of Philadelphia, 140 North 16th St. Philadelphia, Pa., William F. Wickersham, Corresponding Secretary.

Arbitration Council, 1224 Chestnut St., Philadelphia, Pa., Geo. May Powell, President.

The Women's International Peace League of America. Mary Frost Evans, President, East Providence, R. I., Christine V. Whipple, Secretary, Mystic, Conn.

LAY DOWN YOUR ARMS. By the Baroness von Suttner. Authorized English translation by T. Holmes. New Edition, cloth, 60 cts.

SOUTHERN HEROES; OR THE FRIENDS IN WAR TIME. An account of the sufferings and loyalty of the Friends in the South during the Civil War. By Fernando G. Cartland. Third Edition. $1.50, postpaid. 5 copies to one address $5.00.

THE WAMPUM BELT; a Story of William Penn's "Great Treaty" with the Indians. By Hezekiah Butterworth. An admirable book for boys and girls. Cloth, $1.50, postpaid.

PAX MUNDI. A concise account of the Modern Peace Movement. By T. K. Arnoldson, of the Swedish Parliament. Translated by P. H. Peckover. 70 cts. WAR AS IT IS. By Wilhelm Carlsen. Translated by P. H. Peckover. Forty-six illustrations. 45 cts. INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION: ITS PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE. In French. By Michel Revon. Crowned by the Institute of France. 541 pp. $2.00.