features become apparent. On the side of political theory we see an attempt to extend the traditional territorial policy to the new possessions. This traditional policy has been well expressed by a recent writer as follows: "First, the administration of each dependent territory primarily with a view to its own benefit or advancement, and in no way as constituting a field of exploitation in the interest of the mother country; secondly, the conferring upon each territory the largest measure of self-government that the condition and character of its inhabitants renders feasible; and, finally, the ultimate incorporation of the territory into the United States as a State or States of the Union, coördinate in all respects with those already included, as soon as the conditions prevailing in it sufficiently approximate those in the United States" (Willoughby, Territories and Dependencies of the United States, p. 11).

In the government of the recently acquired territory there has been little question of the application of the first two principles; few persons have openly advocated the exploitation of the islands for the benefit of the United States, and few would deny the duty of the United States to grant its subject peoples as wide a measure of self-government as their intellectual and economic condition warrants. But the American nation has refused to apply its policy of admission to statehood to the insular possessions. No definite hope has been held out to them, as was done in the case of the continental territories, that they should at some time become members of the American Union. The subject, indeed, has been mooted in Hawaii and has been incorporated as a part of the platform of a political party in Porto Rico, but no appreciable sentiment in Congress or without has developed favoring such action.

The practice of the American administration in dealing with the dependencies has conformed closely to the first two lines of theory. In general it may be said that no exploitation of the islands for the benefit of Americans has taken place. Congress and the president, indeed, have often

imposed such rigid restrictions upon the occupation of public land and the granting of franchises as to hamper seriously the economic advancement of the natives. Such regulations are seen in the short leases required upon public land in Hawaii, in the limitations upon corporate holdings of land in Porto Rico and the Philippines, in the long delay before any franchises could be granted in the new possessions, and in the many restrictions upon railroad building in the Philippines. It has been claimed with some truth that the tariff regulations, particularly those applying to Philippine products, have been so arranged that they would benefit American producers; and in the awarding of Philippine offices discrimination seems to have been shown in favor of Americans; but such cases as these can scarcely be expanded into a charge of exploitation. American capital, probably owing to the prosperous conditions and high profits prevailing at home, has as yet been sent in only small proportions into any of the insular possessions. With lower profits in America the danger of colonial exploitation would become greater. The second policy, that of extending the field of selfgovernment in the dependencies, has, as the preceding pages show, been carried out consciously and with some success in the islands. The most notable case is that of Hawaii, where the control of government was practically in the hands of Americans, and where, consequently, the American form of territorial government could be established without a term of probation. In Porto Rico, on the other hand, the control exercised through the governor, the council, and the supreme court leaves little to the initiative of the Porto Rican native, and makes it possible, when desirable, to thwart his plans at almost every step. In the Philippines still less of real selfgovernment exists, and from the municipalities up to the general insular government, the American administrators may dictate the policy of the government. In Samoa and in Guam, self-government, where existing, is based upon the tolerance of the American commanders and their superiors and not upon any statutory action by Congress. For Hawaii

there is little more to be desired in the attainment of selfgovernment if we recognize the justice of disfranchising the Japanese and Chinese inhabitants. In the other islands there is much room for development before self-government, even as known in the continental territories, is attained. The training of Porto Ricans and Filipinos in self-control, the gradual extension to them of further political rights, and the final determination of their position with reference to the United States are problems which await solution.

With reference to the last question, there seems to be no concensus of thought in America to-day. That the Philippines will not be admitted as States seems certain; but the questions how long the period of tutelage will be retained, and what form of government will succeed it remain to be answered. The Filipinos have been loud in their clamor for independence, and even in Porto Rico a political faction has demanded the granting of a position similar to that of Cuba. The surest way to bind these countries to the United States is by granting free access to American markets. In the main their products are complementary to those of the United States. The rapid growth of a demand in the temperate zone for products of the tropics, and the recent improvements in the means of transporting the bulkier tropical fruits and raw materials, will undoubtedly make possible an exploitation of the natural resources of the tropics. If in this exploitation the native can be made to share, if his physical and intellectual well-being can be advanced, a sound rational basis for the American ownership of the islands will be found. Liberty in this case as in so many other instances in history, will be found not in the separatist individual form, but in that union of interests which brings broader opportunity to the individual and society. It is not too much to hope that Webster's "liberty and union" should receive a wider interpretation, and his description of the blessings of the American union should appeal to the Filipino and the Hawaiian, to the Porto Rican and the South Sea Islander.

APPENDIX

AGREEMENT

Between Brig. Gen. John C. Bates, representing the United States, of the one part, and His Highness the Sultan of Jolo, the Dato Rajah Muda, the Dato Attik, the Dato Calbi, and the Dato Joakanain, of the other part; it being understood that this agreement will be in full force only when approved by the governor-general of the Philippine Islands and confirmed by the President of the United States, and will be subject to future modifications by the mutual consent of the parties in interest.

ARTICLE I. The sovereignty of the United States over the whole archipelago of Jolo and its dependencies is declared and acknowledged.

ART. II. The United States flag will be used in the archipelago of Jolo and its dependencies, on land and sea.

ART. III. The rights and dignities of His Highness the Sultan and his datos shall be fully respected; the Moros shall not be interfered with on account of their religion; all their religious customs shall be respected, and no one shall be persecuted on account of his religion.

ART. IV. While the United States may occupy and control such points in the archipelago of Jolo as public interests seem to demand, encroachment will not be made upon the lands immediately about the residence of His Highness the Sultan, unless military necessity requires such occupation in case of war with a foreign power; and where the

property of individuals is taken, due compensation will be made in each case.

Any person can purchase land in the archipelago of Jolo and hold the same by obtaining the consent of the Sultan and coming to a satisfactory agreement with the owner of the land; and such purchase shall immediately be registered in the proper office of the United States Government.

ART. V. All trade in domestic products of the archipelago of Jolo, when carried on by the Sultan and his people with any part of the Philippine Islands, and when conducted under the American flag, shall be free, unlimited, and undutiable.

ART. VI. The Sultan of Jolo shall be allowed to communicate direct with the governor-general of the Philippine Islands in making complaint against the commanding officer of Jolo or against any naval commander.

ART. VII. The introduction of firearms and war material is forbidden except under specific authority of the governorgeneral of the Philippine Islands.

ART. VIII. Piracy must be suppressed, and the Sultan and his datos agree to heartily cooperate with the United States authorities to that end, and to make every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all persons engaged in piracy.

ART. IX. Where crimes and offenses are committed by Moros against Moros, the government of the Sultan will bring to trial and punishment the criminals and offenders, who will be delivered to the government of the Sultan by the United States authorities if in their possession. In all other cases persons charged with crimes or offenses will be delivered to the United States authorities for trial and punishment.

ART. X. Any slave in the archipelago of Jolo shall have the right to purchase freedom by paying to the master the usual market value.

ART. XI. In cases of any trouble with subjects of the Sultan the American authorities in the islands will be instructed to make careful investigation before resorting to