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The government of the West India Islands, while of course varying as to details, may be properly termed as of the Crown colony class; the term “Crown colony” indicating a government in which the laws are administered by persons designated by the home government, and in which at least one of the local legislative bodies is also named, in whole or in part, by the home government.


According to the British Colonial Office List of 1901 all of the British West India islands belong to the class in which the legislative council is partly elected and partly appointed, except Trinidad, Tobago, and Turks Island, in which the legislative council is entirely nominated by the Crown; and this is also the case in British Honduras. In British Guiana there is a legislative council partly elected, but the Crown has reserved the power of legislating by orders in council. In Trinidad and Tabago, one of the most prosperous colonies of the West Indian group, the government is administered by a governor aided by an executive council of seven members. The legislative body is a council, including the governor, who is president, nine official and eleven unofficial members, all of whom are nominated by the Crown. The present council consists of the governor, who is its president, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, the commandant of the local forces, the solicitor-general, auditor-general, director of public works, surgeon-general, the protector of immigrants, the receivergeneral, and the collector of customs, with eleven unofficial members, presumably residents of the island. Tobago, which is a part of the united colony of Trinidad and Tobago, is considered as a ward of Trinidad, and its revenue, expenditure, and debt merge with those of the united colony, the laws of Trinidad operating in Tobago, and all ordinances of the legislature extending to that island, except local ordinances which are especially made for it by the joint legislature of the colony. The laws are administered by a warden and magistrate.

Jamaica, which has a population of about 650,000, is governed by a council consisting of the governor, five official members, and ten other persons appointed by the Crown at the suggestion of the governor, and fourteen elective members. The ex officio members are the captain-general and governor, the senior officer commanding the troops, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, the director of public works, and the collector-general. The elected members are residents of the island. In the sessions of the legislative council the governor has only a casting vote, and there are in addition, it will be observed, five ex officio and ten appointive members, making fifteen, while the total elective members number fourteen. These fourteen elccted members are chosen from the fourteen parishes of the island. The parish is the unit of local government, and each has its own parochial institutions managed by a board, the members of which are clected.

The Cayman Islands, with a population of some 5,000 persons, are under the control of the Jamaican government and are considered a dependency of Jamaica. Turks and Caicos islands, with a population of about 5,000, are in part under the control of the Jamaican council, which passes special laws for their government, the less important legislation being conducted by a legislative board comprising the judge and commissioner, and not less than two nor more than four other persons appointed by the governor of Jamaica, the latter being usually natives of the islands.

The Barbados government consists of a governor and legislative council of nine members appointed by the King, and a house of assembly with twenty-four members elected annually on the basis of a moderate franchise. The population of the islands is about 192,000, and the number of voters under the limited franchise, based upon property and educational qualifications, is a little over 2,000. The legislative council, it will be observed, is entirely appointed by the home Government. The executive part of the government consists of the governor, the officer commanding the troops, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, a member of the legislative council, and four members of the house of assembly nominated by the governor. This body, which is called the executive committee, introduces all manifestoes in the legislative body, prepares the estimates, and initiates all government measures.

The Windward Islands, which include Grenada, St. Vincent, the Grenadines, and St. Lucia, and form the eastern barrier of the Caribbean Sea, between Martinique and Trinidad, are under the direction of a governor and commander in chief, appointed by the Crown. Each island, however, has its own institutions, there being no common legislature, laws, revenues, or tariff, but a common court of appeal, while the colonies unite for common purposes. In Grenada there is a legislative council consisting of the governor and six official members nominated by him, and seven unofficial members nominated by the Crown. Each town has its own board for local affairs, semi-elective for the chief town and wholly elective for the others, and each parish has a nominated board for roads and sanitation. In St. Vincent there is an administrator and colonial secretary, and a legislative council consisting of four official and four nominated members. In St. Lucia there is an administrator and colonial secretary, with a nominated executive and legislative council. In considering the share of the home Government and the native population, respectively, in the government of these islands, it is interesting to observe that in Grenada, the most important of the group, there was in 1875 a legislative assembly which consisted of seventeen members, of which number eight were elected by the people and nine nominated by the Crown, each receiving a salary of £100 per annum, and that this legislative council, at its first meeting held in February, 1876, addressed a communication to the Queen, informing her that it had passed a bill providing for its own extinction, and leaving it "entirely to Your Majesty's wisdom and discretion to erect such form of government as Your Majesty may deem most desirable for the welfare of the colony,” the result being the creation by the Queen of a new legislative council consisting entirely of appointed members, six of the number being official and seven unofficial.

The English possessions in the Leeward Islands, which form the most northerly group of the lesser Antilles, and comprize a dozen or more islands, are governed by one executive and one legislative council and one governor. The legislative council consists of eight official and eight elective members, of which latter number three are chosen by the elective members of the island council of Antigua, two by those of the legislative council of Dominica, and three by the nonofficial members of the legislative council of St. Kitts and Nevis. These members must be and continue members of the councils of their respective islands. The official members of the legislative council are the governor, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, the auditor-general, and the administrators of the various islands. This legislative council has concurrent legislative powers with the local legislatures of the islands on certain subjects specified, including property, mercantile and commercial law, quarantine, post and telegraph affairs, currency, education, etc., and any island enactment on these subjects is void if repugnant to any enactment of the general legislature, or may at any time be repealed or altered by an act of the general legislature. The legislative council of Antigua consists of eight official and eight unofficial members, the latter being nominated by the governor. The legislative council of St. Christopher (St. Kitts) and Nevis consists of ten official and ten nominated


unofficial members, of which seven are chosen from St. Christopher and three from Nevis, the governor having a casting vote. In Dominica the local government is conducted by an administrator, aided by an executive council of ten members, all nominated by the governor. In Montserrat the legislative body is entirely appointed, as is also the case in the Virgin Islands. In Antigua the legislativ council, which was partly elected and partly nominated, in 1898 passed an act abrogating itself and substituting the Crown colony system. In 1866 a legislative assembly in St. Christopher, which was partly nominated and partly elected, also passed an act abrogating itself and substituting a legislative council to be appointed by the home Government.


The niethods of government in the French, Dutch, and Danish West Indies are based largely upon the same general system as that outlined in the above descriptions of the government of the British West Indies, the law-making body being partly, if not entirely, named by the home Government, except in the French, where they are wholly elective.

As to the share of the natives or permanent residents of the islands in the government, it may be said that in cases where legislative bodies exist, the local and native population is represented in the selection of other than official members, and in some cases the official members are permanent residents of the islands. In the local boards and organizations which frame and administer parish and other local laws and regulations, the membership is entirely from the resident class, and in nearly all cases elective. In the French West Indian colonies having legislative bodies, the membership is largely of natives or permanent residents of the island. In the British West Indies this is true of the nonofficial members of the legislative bodies.




Mr. Alleyne Ireland, who has had long experience in the British West Indies, in his "Tropical Colonization” says: “In the matter of appointments the colored natives of the various colonies are very fairly treated. I know of no instance of the governor of a colony being a colored man, but short of that colored men are to be found occupying good positions in all branches of the colonial service, as magistrates, medical officers, custom-house officials, land surveyors, etc. A notable instance of a colored man rising to a high position in the colonial service is that of Sir Conrad Reeves, the chief justice of Barbados (which island contains a white population of about 17,000), who is universally respected and who was knighted by Her Majesty in recognition of his distinguished services to the colony.

The governor of a Crown colony is largely guided by the views of his executive council, which generally contains, in addition to the official members, several civilians, representing different classes of the community, as the planters and merchants, the white and colored inhabitants. * In British Guiana most of the voters are colored men, and of the eight elected members of the court of policy, as it was constituted in 1898, five were prominent colored citizens. The court of policy has the power to legislate on all matters relating to the internal affairs of the colony, with the exception of financial affairs, which are dealt with by the combined court. The voters of British Guiana must be the owners of not less than 3 acres of land under cultivation, or of a house and land of the annual rental or value of not less than $96; or occupation and tenancy of not less than 6 acres of land under cultivation; or occupation and tenancy of a house and land of the annual rental or value of not less than $192; or the possession of an annual income or salary of not less than $480, or have paid during the twelve months previous to registration direct taxes to the colonial revenue to the amount of $20 or upward.










“As a matter of fact, instances of dishonesty among the members of the colonial service are extremely rare, among the higher officials during the past twenty years almost unknown. During the ten years which I spent in the British colonies only two cases of official dishonesty fell under my notice, the delinquents being junior collectors in the West India service. One can not but be struck in traveling in the British colonies by the absolute confidence placed by all classes in the honesty of the public servants.

It is useless for me to attempt to convey an adequate impression of the excellence of the British colonial service; only those who have lived in contact with these administrative systems can appreciate the sterling qualities of the men who are devoting their lives to the cause of good government. * The advantages of a system of representation, even when unaccompanied by responsible government, may be said to consist chiefly in the opportunity afforded to the people to express to the governor and his officials their views on the legislation necessary for the welfare of the colony and in the control which the elected body exercises over the methods of taxation. In regard to the first of these advantages it is in practice a very real one, for although the governor and his officials constitute a majority in the legislative body, the wishes of the elected section are, as a rule, allowed to prevail. The cases in which the elected section consists almost entirely of one class of men, such as lawyers, planters, or merchants, are the exception, and class legislation is infrequent. And though in regard to the vote of estimates the elected section may occasionally find itself unable to give effect to all its intentions, such cases are very rare, and in the matter of raising revenue the methods advocated by the elected members are almost invariably adopted. * The governors are almost always trained administrators, who are only appointed in the vast majority of cases after they have had large experience in one capacity or another in the government of colonies. * The governors of Crown colonies are guided to a considerable extent by the advice of the local councils; and as it is the custom to appoint to that body men representing the various sections of the community, the governor can make himself thoroughly informed even on those matters which do not fall within his own observation. The great advantage of Crown-colony government is that the administration is entirely in the hands of trained officials, free from local prejudice, absolutely forbidden to engage in trade or to be in any way connected with

any commercial undertaking, and unhampered by the constant antagonism of local elected assemblies. It is to the manifest interest of the officials to govern well, for the better they govern the more likely they are to obtain promotion. I am inclined to agree,” says Mr. Ireland in closing his discussion of the British West Indies, "with the opinion of Mr. C. P. Lucas, that experience has shown that for a dependency inhabited by a colored race, where there is at the same time an influential, if small, body of European merchants or planters belonging to the ruling race, the form of government which unites strong home control with considerable freedom of and adherence to local public opinion is on the whole just, wise, and successful.'”



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Sir George Cornewall Lewis, whose essay "On the Government of Dependencies," originally published in 1841, is still highly prized by students of colonial subjects, discussing the question of the share which the resident population has in the government of the colony,


says: “There is a constant tendency from inevitable causes to a misconception of the character and powers of a subordinate government.

a. The relation of a subordinate to a supreme government is a complicated relation which the people, both of the dominant country and the dependency, are likely to misunderstand, and the incorrect notions entertained by either party are likely to give rise to unfounded expectations. It is the duty of the government of the dominant country to do everything in its power to advance correct opinions and to dispel errors respecting its political relations with the dependency, and still more important to avoid creating an error on this subject, since in case of any collision between the dominant country and the dependency the weaker party—that is, the dependency-can scarcely fail to be the chief sufferer. It should not be overlooked that the popular form of the supreme government counteracts to a considerable (or at least to some), extent the evils arising from absence of popular institutions in the dependency. Although the popular form of the supreme government does not afford to the inhabitants of a dependency any of the characteristic securities of popular institutions (the power of electing their oven representatives) yet the publicity of the system of government and the probability-that some of the members of the supreme legislative body will take up their cause and obtain a hearing for them affords them a considerable protection. The safeguards of a dependency without popular institutions are (1) the control by a home government free from local prejudices; (2) a local civil service whose interest it is to govern well; (3) the press both in the dominant country and in the colony; (4) a local assembly where native members can at least ventilate their grievances; (5) the legislative body of the home government, members of which are only too ready to find something to talk about as a means of advertisement; (6) philanthropic societies. Note above all that the telegraph brings home to the mother country the grievances of a dependency before they have become ancient history.




Sir Charles Dilke, in his “Problems of Greater Britain," says of the recent experiences in British colonies:

“As the government of the British West India Islands becomes with the lapse of time more democratic and more in the hands of the inhabitants, it is probable that the Indian immigration, which seems necessary to the cultivation of large estates in the hands of white owners, will cease, and that the estates will be day by day more and more cut up into smaller properties in the hands of blacks or 'colored people. There can, indeed, be little doubt that if the mass of the people of our West India Islands had a direct voice in the management of their own affairs, as have the inhabitants of the French islands, they would soon remove those of their grievances which are connected with the taxation upon the necessaries of life and the artificial supply of cheap labor.



"Some who think the Negro unfitted for self-government point to Hayti; they might, however, reflect that Liberia presents a different picture, and that in the French islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe power is in the hands of the 'colored' population, while the islands prosper. The experience, indeed, of those islands in which the Negroes and 'colored people have been intrusted with a large share in government, and the use which they make of representative institutions, seem to show that their detractors are in the wrong. The friends of the Negro are now able to point to the progress effected by West Indian peasant proprietors, to the spread of education, to the undoubted rise in the standard of comfort, and to the prominent place already taken by individuals of the African race. The chief jutsice of Barbados and the wealthiest inhabitant of Jamaica are both what some would call 'black men,' and in the West African settlements Negroes are being increasingly 'employed in government with excellent results. It stands to reason that between the interests of the large landowners, whether resident or absentee, and the interests of the peasant cultivators of the soil, points of divergence exist, and that, owing to the almost complete nonrepresentation of the latter outside of Barbados, their wants and wishes have hitherto not received the attention they deserve. The example of Martinique and Guadeloupe goes to show that it is time that we should make trial of a more liberal system.


“It is contended that where representatives of the people are elected by manhood suffrage, as is the case in the French islands of Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Réunion, the result has been (as it has in the Southern States of the American Union) a recrudescence of race batreds, and in the French colonies the political subjection of the whites to the men of color. The organization of many of the English tropical colonies is, indeed, of a more oligarchic type than that which now prevails in the island colonies of France, of which the prosperity is remarkable. While we have a certain contempt for the French, considered as a colonizing people, every English writer on the West Indies admits that the French have been more successful in Martinique and Guadeloupe than we have been in similar and closely adjoining islands. M. de Lanessan has told us that excellent results have been attained by the French of late through frankly accepting the principle that the 'colored' race is better suited to the West Indies than is the white, and that France has encouraged and helped the 'colored' people to become dominant in the French islands. In the meantime the trade of two French islands is, roughly speaking, one-third that of all our own, vastly greater in size and in population, and our 'Dominica stands between the two French colonies, showing,' says Mr. Eves, 'a lamentable contrast to their prosperity.' The suffrage was conferred on the negroes of Martinique, Guadeloupe, Réunion, and French Guiana in 1848, at the time of the abolition of slavery. At the same moment the suffrage was given to a large proportion of the natives of French India. The electoral right was in the latter case shortly afterwards taken away, but was restored under the third republic. The Negro electors of the French Antilles and of Réunion speak French, are Roman Catholics, and live under French laws, but the natives of French India, as a rule, do not speak French, and are not Christians, yet nevertheless possess the franchise. In Tonquin and in Algeria the suffrage has, as I have said, not been given to the natives, and in the protectorates, such as Tunis and Annam, the French inhabitants themselves, like the English in India, have no votes. In Cochin China representative government is a farce, inasmuch as the great majority of the electors are in the employment of the French Government, but in the French Antilles it is a reality. In all, it may be said that 4 senators and 7 deputies are elected to the French Chambers by constituencies in which power is in the hands of the colored or black people. Such is the prosperity of the French West Indies that it would seem that we are wrong in not trusting the West Indian Negroes and colored people with a larger voice in their own future, though it may be admitted that if the choice lies only between Crown government and planter parliaments they are better off under autocratic than they would be under oligarchic institutions.”


Brig. Gen. George W. Davis, whose service in Porto Rico familiarized him with conditions in that island, in an official report to the United States Gorernment, discussing the future civil government of Porto Rico (which discussion he says he undertakes "with walsgivings and much hesitation, preferring to be excused from any presentation of this question, but the orders of the Secretary of War require it''), says:

"The problems confronting the United States, respecting its newly acquired islands and their future government, can only be solved by an application of those wise rules and principles that are the product of human experience. To find modern examples of the application of those rules to tropical states, colonies, dependencies, or possessions we must turn to the experience of other nations.



"It will not be profitable to study historical precedents unless there be points of resemblance to Porto Rico in natural conditions, population, and history. Some of the States which have been formed from what we are accustomed to call 'Spanish-America,' and some of the islands discovered, settled, and populated under Spanish, English, and French domination, have many points of resemblance to Porto Rico, although it is probable there is none of these save Chile, at date of rerolt from Spanish rule, which had so large a proportion of its inhabitants of the Caucasian race as Porto Rico now has.

“The only American tropical regions where the conditions are at all analogous are Venezuela, Colombia, Guiana, Central America, and the Greater and Lesser Antilles. But the Spanish States of South and Central America were very sparsely settled and all of them had a large Indian population, while Porto Rico is densely populated and has no Indian blood. In Ilaiti the negro very largely predominated, and the same was true of Barbados, Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Jamaica, and indeed nearly all the others save ('uba. The countries which most nearly resembled Porto Rico as respects the nationality of the inhabitants, climate, soil, and government at the time they were lost by Spaia are that portion of Santo Domingo now known as the Dominican Republic and the island of Trinidad. The former became an independent State and the latter was ceded to the English Crown-one a few years before and the other about the beginning of the nineteenth century. Both had Spanish laws and institutions. In each there were a considerable number of negro slaves. In neither were there Indians. The Roman Catholic religion was established in both, and other denominations were not allowed. The natural productions of both islands were similar, sugar being the most important, as it was until recently in Porto Rico.

“In 1797 Trinidad was captured by the English and entered upon a new career under local Spanish laws, which were preserved and properly administered by Great Britain. Not so, however, with the island of Santo Domingo, which at the beginning of the century achieved its independence under Toussaint L'Ouverture.

“France endeavored to recover her part of the island, but was unsuccessful. In 1844 the eastern or Spanish part became independent, but later Spain tried to recover it, failed, and since then the Republic of Dominica has been unmolested in its career save by civil wars and some strife with Haiti and Spain, but for more than thirty years the inhabitants of Santo Domingo have been demonstrating their incapacity for self-government. There have been a half dozen civil wars and overturnings, the last but a few days ago.

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“Statistics show that the negro blood is not very much more in evidence in Dominica than in Porto Rico, and the persons of white blood are of the same race and have been controlled by the same codes and institutions that have prerailed here. Had Dominica been a dependency of some strong and well-administered government, it is probable that much of this civil strife would have been prerented. But had it had home rule, such as is accorded to Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the Territories of the United States, there would still have been struggles for preponderance of one party or faction over the other, which could only have been prevented from becoming sanguinary by the military intervention of the supreme Government. It does not seem to me possible that the Dominicans would have furnished an example of autonomie government well administered. They seem to know of but one use to make of political privileges, and that is to erect and maintain a despotism or a government of a class for the benefit of its adherents.

"This so-called republic has an area more than five times as great as Porto Rico, a soil of exceptionable richness, adapted to all tropical productions, a salubrious climate, a population containing many highly educated and intelligent men of Spanish origin, and yet we see what misuse has been made of their opportunities, which were of the fairest in the world.

“Under a good government, well administered, this little State could as well support a population of 5,000,000 as Porto Rico can 1,000,000, but so great has been the turbulence, and even chaos, that immigration and industrial development hare been prevented, and Dominica has been cited all over the world as a typical example of the incapacity of Spanish-Americans to govern themselves. The contrast to Dominica furnished by Trinidad is so noteworthy that a further mention may be justified respecting the latter.

“The inhabitants of Trinidad when the island was conquered by General Abercromby in 1797 were largely of Spanish birth and parentage, although there were many French who had emigrated thither from Santo Domingo following the outbreak in 1793. There were also many thousand negro slaves. Its area is about 1,750 square miles (the largest of the British West India Islands, except Jamaica), or a little less than one-third the size of Porto Rico. At the date of the conquest it was inhabited somewhat less densely than Porto Rico, which then had about 36 inhabitants to the square mile.

"The population of Trinidad has increased to upward of 300,000, giving it 170 per square mile. Its revenues exceed $3,000,000, its exports exceed by one-third the same from Porto Rico, its government is one of order and stability, and crime does not go unpunished. The number of children attending school is more than three times as large, in proportion to population, as here. They have a royal college and several schools for higher education. All religious denominations are free. Good roads abound, industries are diversified and are being constantly extended.

“If left uncontrolled and free, Trinidad would probably have supplied another example of a chaotic government. It had the most favorable elements for such a result-Spanish, French, negro slaves, ‘maroons' from the neighboring Spanish and French possessions. Besides, its waters were infested with privateers, who were no better than pirates. Home rule was fortunately not accorded to this island, but instead it was governed at first by military officers directly. It is now a Crown colony, having an executive council of five official and three native appointed members, the governor presiding. It has also a legislative council of 21 members, 10 of whom are appointed by the governor and 11 are elected. The governor presides over this council. Only those who possess a stated property or income qualification, or who are members of the liberal professions, can vote at elections for councilmen.

"There is not anywhere in the world a tropical island having a happier and more contented population, nor one where life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness of the humble native, the freed slaves and the East Indian .coolie,' as well as the rich and powerful, are more firmly secured in the enjoyment of all their natural and acquired rights. While the wage rate of the laborer is small, gauged by United States standards, taxa is so adjusted and revenues are so expended that poorer laboring classes have many advantages lacking in many other islands, Porto Rico not excepted.

"The conditions in Jamaica and many other British islands not differing materially from Trinidad in regard to orderly government are not closely analogous to Porto Rico in other respects. The inhabitants of many of these islands are principally negroes. In Jamaica, out of a population of about 700,000, only 27 per cent are white. In Barbados about 9 per cent are white. Trinidad is the larvest of all the lesser Antilles, and, as above stated, was chosen for comparison with Porto Rico and Santo Domingo because most of the natural and social conditions are, or were, more nearly the same as in Porto Rico.

SELF-SUSTAINING GOVERNMENT. “In regard to taxation, all the British islands are similarly administered. Each is self-sustaining and has its own export, import, and internal taxes, the same as though it were an independent government. In some of these places, where sugar was the principal reliance, the industrial and economic conditions are unsatisfactory. The United Kingdom-adhering to free trade--can supply herself with the bounty-fed sugar oi continental Europe at a cheaper price than from her own colonies. As there is practically no market save the United States for sugar grown in the West Indies, that industry has greatly declined save in islands where exceptionally istorable conditions exist, and therefore business conditions are very unfavorable and unsatisfactory.

“The government of Barbados differs somewhat from the usual Crown colony type. The governor and colonial secretary are appointed by the Crown. The executive council consists of the governor, the commander of the troops, the attorney-ceneral, and the president of the legislative council, and this last consists of 9 individuals, 4 of whom are nominated by the governor from the house of assembly.

"This house consists of 24 members, all elected. There is an executive committee connected with the assembly, a sort of committee of 'ways and means. It introduces all money votes, prepares all estimates, and initiates all government meagures. It consists of the governor, the commander of the troops, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, the president of the executive council, and five members of the assembly appointed by the governor.

"The number of qualified electors was 2,208 in 1897, out of a population of about 190,000.

"The assembly, under the direction of the legislative committee, levies taxation, votes supplies, and enacts general laws. Business proceeds by bills read three times and by resolutions. Private members can move an address to the governor in legislative committee, requesting that certain acts may be done involving expenditure, or requesting that certain bills or resolutions may be presented to the assembly which involve expenditure. They may also introduce bills demanding the granting of powers to local bodies to raise loans.

“There are 11 parishes or townships, each having a council of from 9 to 11 members. One member of its council is nominated by the governor and from 8 to 10 are elected members. These councils or vestries have power to levy taxes which are subject to confirmation by the governor in council. They have charge of expenditures for the poor and the church and of taxes within the parishes.

“It is almost universally admitted that Great Britain has been more successful as a colonizing power than any other, and it has seemed to be profitable to study her examples of successful colonial management of people of almost all races. In only one marked instance has that policy been recognized as a failure. It grew out of the effort to make English colonies a direct source of prosit to the Crown. Since the American Revolution this policy has been abandoned, and all English possessions, save a few military stations, are now maintained and governed on a basis of self-support.

English possessions, as respects the character of their government, may be arranged into three classes:
“First. Those that, like Canada, have a governor-general appointed by the Crown, but have a responsible parliament.

“Second. Those that, like Barbados, have a governor and an executive council to determine the general policy, but also have an elected representative legislature which ratifies and confirins the policy of the governor and his council, and enacts into law? or amends the measures proposed by him, and some that are initiated in the assembly.

“Third. Those that, like Mauritius and Jamaica, have a governor and an executive council by whom the governmental policy is fixed and determined, without reference to an elective assembly. In this case the people have practically no voice in their own governmental affairs.

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“Were England now holding toward Porto Rico the position and relations borne by the United States, there is little doubt, judging from her past, that she would for the present govern Porto Rico as strictly as she governs her Crown colonies. Nothing would be taken for granted respecting claims of capacity for establishing and maintaining home rule. The people would have to demonstrate by active, practical experience their abilities for conducting a representative government-i. e., for autonomy, such as Canadia enjoysbefore it would be accorded.”


In the French West Indies a broader power of self-government has been given to the people by the French Government than in any other of her colonies. A legislative body is authorized, composed of natives, which has the power to pass laws applicable to the exercise of political rights, the regulation of contracts, matters relating to wills, legacies, and successions, the institution of juries, criminal procedure, recruiting for naval and military forces, the method of electing mayors, municipal deputies, and councilors, and the organization of the local councils-general. In addition to this, each of the West Indies colonies is permitted to send representatives to the French Assembly, while the French Government itself makes the tariff laws. These colonies have a much larger power of selfgovernment than has been granted to any other of the French colonies.

CRITICISM BY A DISTINGUISHED FRESCH ECONOMIST. The results of the experiment, however, have been the subject of serere criticism by French students of colonial matters, among them Paul Leroy Beaulieu, who, in his work, Colonisation Chez les Peuples Modernes, says: “As regards politics, we have introduced French liberty into our colonies, we give them civil governors, we admit their representatives into our parliament. * * * All these

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