ually, however, the excitement subsided. The American government was fortunate in having as its representative at the court of Italy the Honorable Albert G. Porter, a man of calm temperament and deeply imbued with the sense of justice and right. By the beginning of 1892 it had become certain that the unpleasant episode would pass without further menace of war, and that the question involved in the difficulty would be justly settled in course of time by the equitable rules of diplomacy.

CHAPTER XLVII.

THE year 1891 was noted for a serious difficulty between the United States and the republic of Chili. The compli cation had its origin in the domestic affairs of that republic, particularly in a revolution which, in the spring of the year named, began to make headway against the existing government. At the head of that government was President Balmaceda, against whom the popular party in the Chilian Congress was violently arrayed. The President was accused of seeking to influence the choice of his own successor in the approaching election, but more especially of retaining in office a ministry out of harmony with the Congressional majority. The latter point was the more serious, and led at length to the assumption of dictatorial powers by the President. This course seemed necessary in order to maintain himself in power and to uphold the existing ministry. The popular party receded from Congress only to take up

This party was known in the civil conflict that ensued as the Congressionalists, while the upholders of the existing order were called Balmacedists. The latter had possession of the government; but the former, outside of the great cities of Valparaiso and Santiago, were the most powerful.

The insurrection against Balmaceda gathered head. A Congressional Junta was formed, and a provisional government set up at the town of Iquique. Thus far the movement had in no wise disturbed the relations of Chili with the United States. It is in the nature of such revolutions

that the insurgent party must acquire resources, gather arms, and create all the other means of its existence, progress and success. The Chilians of the Congressional faction found themselves in great need of arms, and would fain look to some foreign nation for a supply. In the emergency they managed to get possession of a steamship called the Itata, belonging to the South American Steamship Company, and sent her to the western coast of the United States to purchase arms. The steamer came to the harbor of San Diego, California, and by the agency of an intermediate vessel managed to secure a large purchase of arms, and to get the same transferred to her own deck. At this juncture, however, the government, gaining information of the thing done, ordered the detention of the Itata until her business and destination could be known. A district attorney of the United States was sent on board the ship, which was ordered not to leave the bay. In defiance of this order, however, the officers of the Itata steamed out by night and got to sea. They put the officer of the United States in a boat, sent him ashore, and disappeared over the Pacific horizon.

The announcement of the escape of the Itata led to vigorous action on the part of the government. The United States war-ship Charleston was ordered out in pursuit from the bay of San Francisco. The Itata, however, had three days the start, and it could hardly be expected that the Charleston would be able to overhaul the fugitive. The latter made her way to one of the harbors of Chili, whither she was pursued by the Charleston. But the matter had now come to protest made by the United States to the provisional government of the Revolutionists, and the latter consented to the surrender of the Itata to the authorities of our country. This was done, and the incident seemed for the time to have ended without serious consequences.

After the affair of the Itata public opinion in Chili, par

ticularly in the cities of Santiago and Valparaiso, turned strongly against the United States. This is said of the sentiments of the Congressional party. That party saw itself thwarted in its design and put at fault by its failure to secure the wished-for supply of arms, that failure having arisen through the agency of our government. However correct the course of the United States may have been, the Revolutionists must needs be angered at their disappointment, and it was natural for them to look henceforth with distrust and dislike on the authorities of our country. This dislike centered about the legation of the United States in Santiago. Hon. Patrick Egan, the American Minister, became unpopular with the Congressionalists because of his supposed favor to the Balmacedan government. That government still stood. It was recognized by the President of the United States as the government both de jure and de facto of Chili. Egan must therefore hold relations with Balmaceda and his Minister of Foreign Affairs. He must continue to stand in with the existing order until some other order should be establised in its stead.

It appears that our Minister and our government misapprehended the importance and strength of the Revolutionary movement. The Congressionalists steadily gained ground. Perhaps the revolution which was progressing could not be seen in full magnitude from the position occupied by our Minister at the Chilian capital. At all events, the Congressional army came on in full force, and soon pressed the government back to the limits of the capital and the immediate vicinity of that city. Affairs drew to a crisis. A bloody battle was fought at a place called Placilla, near Santiago. The Balmacedists gave way before the storm. The battle. of Placilla and a subsequent engagement still nearer to the capital went against them. The insurgents burst victoriously into Santiago, and the revolution accomplished itself

by the overthrow of the existing government. Everything went to wreck. Both Santiago and Valparaiso were taken by the Revolutionary party. The Balmacedists were fugitives in all directions. The Dictator himself fled into hiding, and presently made an end by committing

suicide.

In such condition of affairs it was natural that the defeated partisans of the late government should take refuge in the legations of foreign nations at the capital. A Ministerial legation is, under international law, an asylum for refugees. At this time the official residences of the foreign nations at Santiago, with the exception of that of Great Britain, were all crowded more or less with fugitives flying thither for safety from the wrath of the successful Revolutionists. The attitude of Great Britain from the first had been favorable to the Congressional party, and it was evident that that power would now stand in high favor with the victors.

Probably the antago

It chanced that the Minister of the United States was by birth an Irishman. He was an Irish agitator and British refugee lately naturalized in America. nistic attitude of Great Britain and the United States at the Chilian capital was attributable in part to the nativity and political principles of Egan. At all events the American Ministerial residence gave asylum to numbers of the defeated Balmacedists, and the triumphant Revolutionists grew more and more hostile to our government and Minister because they could not get at those who were under his protection. This hostility led to the establishment of a police guard and a force of detectives around the American legation. It seemed at times that the place might be actually attacked and taken by the angry victors in the recent revolution. At length, however, under the protests of our government, the guards were withdrawn and the lega tion was freed from surveillance. Relations began to grow