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HUNT'S

MERCHANTS' MAGAZINE

AND

COMMERCIAL REVIEW.

SEPTEMBER, 1855.

Art. I. OUR COMMERCIAL AND POLITICAL RELATIONS WITH CHINA.*

CHINA is of so much importance to the people of the United States, both for the present trade between them and for their probable future relations, that a few remarks upon the state of that empire, and the nature of the present political convulsions, may not be out of place.

Situated as that country is with respect to the western coast of the United States, and taking into view the European influences which now govern the most fertile portions of the rest of Asia, it is apparent that a close connection is most desirable for us, while it would be equally beneficial to her. By favor of their soil, climate, and patient industry, the Chinese produce the two important articles of silk and tea at a cost which will probably never be equaled in cheapness by any other country. There are many other products or manufactures which help to swell the trade, and are important to the civilized world, all making together a Commerce surpassing in value any other of Asia. The importance of tea especially can scarcely be overrated. It is the most healthful beverage that the world knows-invaluable in reducing the consumption of ardent spirits, and promoting health and cheerfulness among the hard-working classes of society.

It needs, indeed, but little consideration of the subject to see that, with the exception of one or two nations of Europe, China will become in the course of time our most important commercial connection, if no untoward

• MR. EDWARD CUNNINGHAM, the writer of the present article, is a member of the firm of Russell & Co., at Canton and Shanghae, China. Mr. Cunningham has resided in China for more than ten years, is a gentleman of great intelligence, and his statements are entitled to implicit confidence.Ed, Mer. Mag.

event intervenes. Placed over against us, across a sea already covered with our sails, swarming with a busy population employed in the production of raw materials, the alliance which subsists between the two nations is founded on such natural grounds that nothing is needed to render it perpetual, and cause an almost unlimited increase to their mutual Commerce, but the exercise of reason and judgment on the part of the stronger power. Reason and judgment, however, while they require the exercise of self-restraint and the practice of justice, are not consistent with the treatment of a nation of the seventeenth century in knowledge and policy, as if it were one of the nineteenth-with the treatment of a child, as if it were a grown man. The civilized world, moved by philanthropic feelings, is too apt to consider any attempt to procure further advantages of trade with Eastern nations, though equally advantageous to them as to us, except by simple request, as unmanly and unchristian.

The sentiment is founded on a noble principle, but overlooking the childish character of the people with whom we have to deal, and whom it may be considered our mission to guide and enlighten, it leads to results quite opposite to the wishes of those who, while they would protect the weak, desire earnestly to give them the blessings of civilization and Christianity. It is a consequence of ignorance and self-conceit that those afflicted with them will admit no new element into their system, believing their condition perfect, and not to be improved by change. Arguments and representations are of no avail in inducing them to receive benefits, proofs of which are before their eyes, for their mental sight is blinded by their preconceived ideas of individual and national superiority.

Our treaty with China, and our recent success in Japan, both flowed from the English war with the former, the first a direct consequence, and the latter through the influence produced upon the minds of the Japanese by the manifest effects of coming into collision with a powerful force from a Western nation.

There seems, indeed, to be but two courses to extend Western connection with such nations-one to require with firmness and determination such concessions as are manifestly for the advantage of both parties in the eyes of a civilized world, and to take them by intimidation and force if refused; the other, to wait for such opportunities as in the course of time present themselves, and, by taking advantage of their necessities, obtain what we require without the appearance of coercion. While the first is not to be condemned hastily when required by the necessities of advancing civilization, the latter is recommended by policy and good feeling when the opportunity is not too far distant from the necessity to make the delay a greater evil than the resort to strong measures.

England and America have now stood for some time in this position to China. While never asking for more than they themselves give to others, or than just international relations would warrant, they wish such concessions of Chinese pride and exclusiveness as will allow the people of both countries to profit to the full by their mutual productions, and have been patiently waiting for their opportunity. It is not much that they ask for the Chinese to give, but much in its ultimate results both for them and for us. They wish to reach to the interior to obtain facilities, to foster and extend their trade in manufactured goods inward, and in tea outward, without hindrance from the exactions of corrupt officials and the interference of interested speculators. They wish to know more of the resources

of the country than they can learn from most imperfect statistics, and from the reports of half-educated Chinese traders. Many of the intelligent foreign merchants residing in China, and those connected with the trade at home, are said to entertain the belief that no advantage can flow from access to the interior and the opening of further ports. But as the proof can only be in the result, and as precedent is against the opinion, it is safer to lay their want of faith rather to the disinclination to change and the convenience of retaining business concentrated at a few ports than to unerring sagacity.

One of the leading merchants of Canton, writing ten years ago on the China trade and after the treaty was signed, closes his article with these words :

"And Canton must still, and for all time to come, remain the principal port for foreign trade." And Sir John Davis, in his second book on China, says complacently of Foochow: "Foochow, as I predicted, remains without trade, and will no doubt be ultimately abandoned by her majesty's government as a useless concession."

In 1852, the last year of undisturbed trade, Shanghae surpassed Canton in the aggregate amount of trade, and Foochow, brought suddenly to notice by successful American enterprise only one year since, sees its river this season crowded with English ships taking to Great Britain, at a cheaper cost, the tea for which it is the natural outlet, for both its opening and its present trade are independent of the rebellion.

With such results to former prophecies, who will believe in those now made, or draw from them any inference but that the veil over China requires but to be lifted to open new and fuller channels of trade?

To give but one illustration: The two provinces of Hunan and Hupeh, on the Yang-tze-Kiang, produce the best description of Congou tea, which is the soundest and most wholesome class of the herb, and the kind undoubtedly destined, in time, to become the staple of the export to all countries. These teas are now sent to Canton by a difficult and expensive route over mountains and up rivers, 600 miles long.

Hankhow, on the Yang-tze-Kiang, the river port of these provinces, is 400 miles from the sea, on one of the finest rivers in the world. This town is already the great distributing point for foreign cotton goods, and we may easily conceive the advantage to the foreign consumer of tea if, by the advent of foreign influence to those parts, the produce should descend the river at a slight expense, instead of paying tolls half through China, and to the foreign producer and native consumer, if cotton goods could be placed at such a point, without having the cost enhanced by the exactions of petty mandarins, and the uninsurable danger of passage through the country.

The great points to gain are, the introduction of goods and the delivery of produce beyond the line of the seaboard under foreign influence and safeguard; and the opportunity to acquire further knowledge of the wants and capabilities of the country, afforded by free access to all parts, and free communication with the natives of different provinces, which, in so vast a country, is equivalent to acquaintanceship with so many distinct kingdoms, so various are they in their characters, customs, and wants.

If it be conceded, that a closer intimacy with China than now exists is desirable, how much more readily will it be allowed that on no account can we suffer the, present connection to be broken? Words need not be

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