VI. THE ENCHIRIDION, ETC. OF ERASMUS (1501-5).

In the meantime, closer inspection of the literary present sent by Erasmus, must have proved to Colet to how large an extent, after so long a process of study and digestion, his friend had really adopted the views which he himself had held and consistently preached for the last ten years.

CHAP. IV.

A.D. 1501-5.

very The Enchiridion.'

The Enchiridion' was, in truth, a re-echo of the keynote of Colet's faith. It openly taught, as Colet now for so many years had been teaching, that the true Christian's religion, instead of consisting in the acceptance of scholastic dogmas, or the performance of outward rights and ceremonies, really consists in a true, self-sacrificing loyalty to Christ, his ever-living ( Prince; that life is a warfare, and that the Christian must sacrifice his evil lusts and passions, and spend his strength, not in the pursuit of his own pleasure, but in active service of his Prince;-such was the drift and spirit of this Handybook of the Christian Soldier.'1

6

2

It must not be assumed, however, that Erasmus had adopted all the views which Colet had expressed in their many conversations at Oxford. On the contrary, I think there may be traced in the Enchiridion' a tendency to interpret the text of Scripture allegorically, rather than to seek out its literal meaning-a tendency which must have been somewhat opposed to the strong

that is to say "a lytell treatyse ""hansome to be caryed in a man's ""hande," but rather a great volume.'

1 More literally 'The Pocket Dag'ger of the Christian Soldier.' But Erasmus himself regarded it as a "Handybook.' See Enchiridion, ch. viii. English ed. 1522. 'We must 'haste to that which remaineth lest 'it should not be an "Enchiridion," | 6-10, &c.

2 See especially chap. ii. Allegoria de Manna, Eras. Op. v. fol.

A.D. .1501-5.

CHAP. IV. convictions of Colet, and even to those of Erasmus, in after years. But he had just then been studying Origen, and it is not strange that he should for a while be fascinated, as so many others have been, by the allegorical method of interpretation adopted by that father. He had learned so much from his writings, that he yielded the more readily perhaps in this particular to the force of Origen's rich imagination.1

But if Colet did not find his own views reflected in all points in this early production of Erasmus, he would not the less rejoice to find its general tone so spiritual, so anti-ceremonial, and so free from superstitious adherence to ecclesiastical authority. That it was so, no stronger proof could be given than the fact that, Not a suc- whilst for years after it was written it was known only

cess at

first.

with the

in select circles, and was far from being a popular book; yet no sooner had the Protestant movement commenced than, with a fresh preface, it passed through almost innumerable editions with astonishing rapidity. Nor was it read only by the learned. It was translated into English by Tyndale, and again in an abridged form A favourite reissued in English by Coverdale. And whilst in this country it was thus treated almost as a Protestant book, so in Spain also it had a remarkably wide circulation. 'The work,' wrote the Archdeacon of Alcor, in 1527— twenty years after its first silent publication-' has 'gained such applause and credit to your name, and 'has proved so useful to the Christian faith, that there ' is no other book of our time which can be compared with the "Enchiridion" for the extent of its circula

Protestants.

1 It is evident that Erasmus had not yet appreciated as fully as he did afterwards the historical method

which Colet had applied to St. Paul's Epistles to get at their real meaning and 'spirit.'

A.D. 1501-5.

'tion, since it is found in everybody's hands. There is CHAP. IV. 'scarcely anyone in the court of the Emperor, any 'citizen of our cities, or member of our churches and convents, no not even a hotel or country inn, that 'has not a copy of the "Enchiridion" of Erasmus in Spanish. The Latin version was read previously by the few who understood Latin, but its full merit was 'not perfectly perceived even by these. Now in the Spanish it is read by all without distinction; and 'this short work has made the name of Erasmus a 'household word in circles where it was previously ' unknown and had not been heard of.'1

6

will and

grace.

Strong as must have been the Protestant tendencies Anti-Augustinian of this little book to have made it so great a favourite on freewith Protestant Reformers, it is worthy of note that its tone was as moderate and anti-Augustinian upon the great questions of free-will and grace, and in this respect as decidedly opposed to the extreme Augustinian views adopted by the Protestant Reformers, as anything that Erasmus ever afterwards wrote during the heat of the controversy.

To abridge what is said in the Enchiridion' on this subject into a few sentences, but retaining, as nearly as may be, the words of Erasmus, it is this::

'The good man is he whose body is a temple of the 'Holy Spirit; the bad man is like a whited sepulchre 'full of dead men's bones. If the soul loathes its proper 'food, if it cannot see what is truth, if it cannot discern 'the Divine voice speaking in the inner ear; if, in fact, 'it has become senseless, it is dead. And wherefore 'dead? Because God, who is its life, has forsaken it.

1 Alfonso Fernandez, Archdeacon | of Juan de Valdés, by Benjamin of Alcor, to Erasmus: Palencia, Wiffen: London, Quaritch, 1865, Nov. 27, 1527. Life and Writings | p. 41.

CHAP. IV. Now if the soul be dead it cannot be raised into life

A.D. 1501-5.

Other works of Erasmus.

'again but by the gracious power of God only. But we 'have God on our side. Our enemy has been conquered by Christ. In ourselves we are weak; in Him 'we are strong. The victory lies in his hands, but he 'has put it also in ours. No one need fail to conquer, 'unless he does not choose to conquer. Aid is with'held from none who desire it. If we accept it, he will 'fight for us, and impute his love as merit to us. The 'victory is to be ascribed to him, who alone being sin'less, overcame the tyranny of sin; but we are not on 'that account to expect it without our own exertions. 'We must steer our course between Scylla and Cha'rybdis. We must neither sit down in idle security, 'relying on Divine grace; nor, in view of the hardness 'of the struggle, lay down our arms in despair.'1

Thus early had Erasmus, following the lead of Colet, taken up the position as regards this question, to which he adhered through life.

But the Enchiridion' was not the only work published by Erasmus during this interval. Probably annexed to it, and under the same cover, he had published Conversa- his long report of the conversation between himself Oxford on and Colet at Oxford on the causes of the Agony of the Agony Christ in the Garden. This showed at least that he

tion at

of Christ.'

had not forgotten what had passed between them on that occasion. As, however, he did not append to it Colet's reply, it cannot be concluded that he had given up his own opinion, either on the question directly in

1 The above is an abridged translation from the Enchiridion, ed. Argent. June 1516, pp. 7, 8, which, being published before the Lutheran

controversy commenced, is probably a reprint of the earlier editions. The editions of 1515 are the earliest that I have seen.

dispute, or on the still more important one, which came CHAP. IV. out of it, on the inspiration of the Scriptures and the theory of manifold senses.'

6

pro

Very clearly, however, did the letter which accompanied these works show that Erasmus had already resolved to dedicate his life to the great work of bringing out the Scriptures into their proper prominence, and thereby throwing into the background all that mass of scholastic subtlety which had for so long formed the food of theologians. If now for years he had been wading through Greek literature, it was not merely for its own sake, but with this great object in view. If, on account of his learning and eloquence, his friends at the court of the Netherlands had pressed him into their service, and induced him to compose a flattering oration on the occasion of the return of Philip from Spain, he had counted the labour as lost, except so far as it bably helped to keep the wolf from the door for a week Even the two editions of the 'Adagia' were evidently regarded only as stepping-stones to that knowledge without which he felt that it would be useless for him to attempt to master the Greek New Testament. Of this he gave further practical proof before his arrival again in England. For whilst still under the hospitable roof of his friend Fisher, the Papal protonotary at Paris, he brought out his edition of Laurentius Valla's' Anno'tations upon the New Testament;' a copy of which he had chanced to light upon in an old library during the previous summer. And to this edition was prefixed a prefatory letter to this kind host, remarkable for the boldness of its tone and the freedom of its thought.

or two.

A.D. 1505.

The

Adagia.'

Preface to

He knew well, he wrote, that some readers would cry out, 'Oh, Heavens!' before they had got to the end of Valla's

N

an edition