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Mr. Perceval of life extinguished also the light of the administration. We lost our virtuous, exemplary, and highly-gifted minister, and from that time our moral decline commenced. Then began the accursed system of liberalism, neutrality, and conciliation-right and wrong, virtue and vice, the friend and the enemy of his country, were to be confounded—distinctions were to be levelled--all was to bend to expediency, and principle must not stand in the way of policy.
Could any one mistake what would be the sure consequence of such a vile system? Assuredly, as it has happened, it would follow that the country would be gradually demoralised. What before seemed odious or immoral, no longer disgusted; all ancient institutions began to be considered as rubbish; history as an old almanack ; experience was to be cast away; all that is valuable to us was to be vilified, derided, and trampled on; and finally, liberality enthroned itself in the chief seat to influence, and directed the counsels of the nation. The country now found itself without guides, although it had a government; the high offices were filled, it is true, but not by governors. The executive was in other hands. Instead of resisting innovation, they yielded to it ; - instead of leading public opinion, they bowed to its counterfeit; and thus quackery, deceit, and hollow pretension gained so much strength, that their opponents were almost obliged to hide their diminished heads. Then followed the effects of this contemptible system. The depraved, the disaffected, and the selfopinionated, are always the most noisy and turbulent. They clamored; they made themselves to be heard; finding their strength, and presuming on their acquired consequence, they artfully contrived, through the administration, in fact, to rule the state; and the administration, preferring place and irresponsible tranquillity to a noble rejection of either, when principle is at stake, suffered our constitutional excellence, and all that has been hitherto deemed most sacred or most valuable, to perish, for want of encouragement and protection; whilst the designing liberalist gloried in his success, and chuckled at the impending misfortunes which he well knew would result from such a total revolution in the government and constitution of the country. »-. I have endeavored, as much as possible, to abbreviate rand compress this description into the smallest compass compatible with an intelligible statement of my view of this cardinal point. If we know where error lies, we may correct, perhaps eradicate it. I have undisguisedly stated what I conceive to be its origio, growth, and maturation; and I have for this purpose attempted to sketch my view of cause and effect present time. , I shall omit all farther comment, and proceed at once to the
up to the
change of ministry in Janúary last. Every heart beat with high expectation-every patriot rejoiced in the anticipated appointment of the Duke of Wellington to the head of affairs. The lover of his country fondly hoped that the time had at last arrived when an end would be put to the hateful system of liberalism, neutrality, and conciliation; he made sure that the high character which had formerly distinguished the nation would be recovered ; and that, in the place of national demoralisation, a new system would be established, calculated to restore the national energy, by an undeviating rectitude of principle, the character of which would be stamped by the uncompromising character of the government. We all know how the result fulfilled our anxious expectations.
The last session of parliament I consider to have been by far the most disastrous of any in the memory of man ; it was pre-eminently stained by liberalising religion—and this I believe from my conscience to be a fatal stab to the established church, as well as to the peace of the country and the existence of the constitution.
By an utter dereliction of principle we have sought to appease those who are actuated by no principle but a hatred of order-we thus depress and disgust our most valuable friends-we invest our enemies with the power taken from our friends-and, to fill up the measure of our misdoing, we offend our God in the disowning of Christianity.
I simply ask, if we desert our God, will he not desert us-will he not be avenged on such a nation as this ?
An inaction totally inexplicable possesses the government. We see rebellion stalk through the land with impunity-conciliation still reigns in our councils. The Popish association, day after day, audaciously asserts its omnipotence, and proclaims aloud that it will yield to no other authority. One of their members a fellow who years since deserved to be hanged for his treasonhas, through this means, been chosen to sit in a British parliament, although a Papist. Itinerant Popish demagogues are roaming through the country, spouting sedition and treason; and who offers the slightest opposition to all this? No one.
What, I ask, is to prevent traitors from rising in every marketplace of every town of Great Britain, to vomit forth their pestilent harangues ? or are such wretches only to be allowed this exclusive privilege in Ireland ? Shame, shame on the government which can for an hour, for a minute, permit such dangerous excesses to be practised with blind impunity! I am unwilling to inculpate our chief minister, because I had rested my last principal hope on him; my expectation was, that Nelson's memorable recommen
dation would not be lost on him, and that England would see him, at all risks, and under all circumstances, do his duty. Let us hope that a mistaken view has alone led him into so vast an error. But when this error is exposed, it will be unpardonable, it will be criminal, if the remedy be not instantly applied.
In the midst of this tremendous storm and danger of shipwreck we are told not to fear, that we have men for our ministers who will guard us from all danger. I may be called a very timid mariner, but I cannot prevent myself from crying out; I loudly assert that the ship is in the utmost danger, and as yet the helmsman has done nothing visibly to preserve it; the murmurs of a portion of the crew have burst into open mutiny; and nothing but the prompt energy of the captain, or the united efforts of the remainder of the crew, can save it from destruction.
Figure apart, imminent danger is at the door of the constitution; something must instantly be done, or it may be destroyed. We must no longer wait in expectation of tardy assistance, we must act for ourselves; and if the ministers will co-operate with us, so much the better; but we must not, we will not, be sacrificed.
We are assured that the Duke of Wellington is true to our cause, but that he dares not to act of himself—that he wishes to be backed by popular support. I am quite willing to believe that he does continue true to the Protestant cause, and to the preservation of those interests which are as dear to us as life itself; but if he be true, wherefore this unaccountable inaction? We know that he must be fearless; but, if fearless, how can it be explained that he dares not to act on his own ministerial responsibility, but requires the popular aid to attempt that which is peculiarly the duty of the executive ?
If my positions are as true as I firmly believe them to be, then indeed have I made out a case of extremity, and it is high time that the nation should bestir itself, and do that for itself which others either fear or refuse to do for it.
Let the nation look forward a little to the future ; let it consider what must very shortly be the inevitable consequence of the present frightful state of things; it will then see the danger which stares us in the face ; and if it is desirous of preserving our glorious constitution, of upholding religion, of maintaining the laws, rights, and liberties of our country, so as in some measure to merit the favor of God and man, then, I would say,
let the nation arouse from its lethargy; let it stand forth in the panoply of its natural excellence; let it declare its intentions ; let it demand that the Popish association shall be instantly annihilated; let it demand that the voice of treason shall be stifled ; let it demand that all Popish establishments of whatever nature, whether Jesuits' colleges or monasteries, &c. &c. shall be immediately abolished ; let them demand that no Roman Catholics shall vote at elections; and finally, let them require a full and undisputed Protestant ascendancy within these realms.
This, however, must not be delayed; time presses, and the enemy is at the gate ; the unanimous voice of the nation should be heard in a tone which cannot be mistaken, and our invaluable constitution will be safe against her most inveterate enemies, whether secret or avowed.
You, my dear Lord, have manfully sounded the warning trumpet; you have ably appealed to our Protestant countrymen; I trust that they will as manfully answer to the call. They must unite in Protestant associations from one end of the country to the other; and as parliament is not sitting, they should address their Protestant king; and may God protect our country, and prosper their patriotic exertions!
I have thus endeavored, very imperfectly, I admit, to describe my notions on this momentous subject. I have written freely; why should I not? Some one must speak out; my duty and my interest compel me to conceal nothing, and in this respect I acquit myself of any deficiency. I have extenuated where I could do so with propriety; I have set down nought in malice or hostility, for I entertain none. Perilous times require strong remedies and home truths ; you will perceive that I have not flinched from recommending the one, and stating the other. I am well aware that in doing this I am subjecting myself to severe animadversions; but I am heedless of consequences to myself, if I may ever so slightly benefit the great cause which is at stake. My anxiety also to prove my gratitude to you by answering to your appeal has been an additional incitement; and thus I have been doubly urged forward to the completion of my unpleasant task.
I have been led into far greater length than I at first contemplated ; and it is now fit that I should assure you of the esteem with which
I am, my dear Lord,
NEWCASTLE. The Right Hon. Lord Kenyon.
MARTIN STAPYLTON, ESQ.
THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE.
MY LORD DUKE, I OBSERVE in this day's Morning Chronicle your Grace's descent into the arena of political controversy not by speeches in that House of which you are an hereditary member—but by a letter to Lord Kenyon, containing the most unmeaning complaints on the fancied outrages of our constitution, and the most rash and dangerous counsels for a confederacy, which, if generally adopted, would separate our Sister Kingdom from the throne of these realms.
You demand the Protestant ascendancy to be supported. Wherein does the legitimate ascendancy of our Protestant church exhibit proofs of decay, and in what respect does it require the aid of continued persecution to sustain it? The doctrines of the Reformation are the leading, and the only doctrines which the dignitaries of our ecclesiastical policy acknowlege. The rights of those dignitaries have increased with revolving years. Their revenues are more abundant at present than at any preceding period ; and the fines on the renewal of leases are so enlarged as to be almost oppressive on those who hold estates by church tenures, which I am happy to say I do not.
Proficiency in studies and piety in conduct as well as high birth have advanced those dignitaries to the highest offices; and no one is heard to complain when an amiable archbishop leaves, as it is reported, 200,000l. to his relatives, and his options to his successor,
Two brethren eminent for piety and learning have lately been promoted to the episcopal bench. Does your Grace suppose that either of these 'men, so peculiarly selected without borough patronage, have a latent attachment to the errors of Rome? and surely to such men in preference to the Brunswick clubs you may cheerfully confide the safety of the Protestant church. Moreover, without depreciation of your Grace's talents for con