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bryo of theory, and prepared to strengthen the strong tie of common interest which can alone bind nation to nation in indissoluble friendship. The recognition of the Spanish colonies of America was a glorious proclamation to Europe of our secession from the northern conspiracy, and was followed by the prompt assistance afforded to Portugal against the drivelling efforts of the Spanish dotards. The cause of civilisation appeared to revive, though but slowly, in the south of Germany. The constitutions of Wurtemberg and Bavaria, and the mild Governments of Baden and of several of the smaller Principalities, allow us to hope for a diffusion of the same spirit, and the concession of the long-promised constitution to Prussia. Hanover, too, may yet set the same glorious example to the northern states of Germany as the country with which she is now so intimately connected has proudly exhibited to Europe. For Austria and Russia we dare scarcely do more than anticipate the progress which the human mind must eventually make from barbarism to civilisation. They appear scarcely to have commenced this career, and but little, therefore, can be concluded from any difference which has taken place in the spirit of the Government of these two countries since the pacification of Europe, and that little I can more conveniently allude to at the conclusion of my letter. Of France, also,-of her conduct towards Spain, and present disposition towards England, I will speak more fully in the course of the remarks I shall make on the immediate object ofmy addressing your Lordship.

The event which at the present moment almost exclusively engrosses public attention, requires a few observations on the state of Greece and Turkey. It is indeed singular that there should have existed for nearly four centuries in Europe, a people connected by their religion, their language, and their recollections of the past, with the dearest and most enthusiastic associations of the enlightened portion of the same continent, and yet themselves groaning under the most execrable and debasing tyranny, infuriated both by the intolerant spirit of fanaticism, and the natural antipathy of ignorance and barbarism to knowlege and civilisation. In the process of time, it is true that the communication with Europe had somewhat humanised the oppressors, whilst their tyranny had in a more rapid progression enervated and almost brutalised the oppressed. But the same language (with but little variation) which in the production of the Attic historians, philosophers, poets, and orators, breathes forth their ardent devotion to the cause of liberty, was yet so generally in use, as to open the treasures of antiquity to the least curious of their descendants, and it was not probable that the cry of liberty (feeble as it was) on the peninsula of Italy should fail to be echoed back from the opposite shores of Greece. In the

mean time an opportunity was offered to Russia of prosecuting one of her most favored schemes of aggrandisement. The pretext of the protection of a common religion might serve her purpose, where even the suggestion of any regard for the emancipation of injured subjects would have been preposterous, and every scheme which would put her in possession of the three provinces was equally acceptable. The danger of a Russian army assembled on the Pruth, whose march would soon become no less necessary for the security of the Autocrat himself than for the extension of his dominions, justly alarmed the able Minister who presided over our Foreign Department. In order to allay the evil which could scarcely be subdued, the Duke of Wellington was despatched to St. Petersburgh, and with the subsequent co-operation of France, a league was formed which should hamper the movements of their ambitious ally, and, if possible, by the imposing attitude thus assumed, induce the Porte to make such concessions as would leave Russia without a pretext for commencing hostilities.

An unforeseen event has, however, frustrated the expectations of Mr. Canning; and I am thus, my Lord, led immediately to the subject which now imperiously demands our attention. The results of the battle of Navarino are yet enveloped in fearful mystery. An alarm which for once may be salutary, appears to be now excited ; and what course is to be pursued to secure us against the threatened danger ? The moment in which the Russian Autocrat passed the Vistula, should have been that of an indissoluble union between England, France, the Netherlands, and every other nation where the civilising principle could be discovered in activity. But that moment has passed ; and Russia, already so disproportionably vast, has, if we can trust to the public sources of information, already secured to herself the circuit of the Black Sea, and will shortly, no doubt, advance within a few weeks' march of our Indian territory. Shall we, then, delay our union with France until the flag of Russia is displayed in St. Sophia-until her squadrons, combined with those of Austria, ride triumphantly in the Mediterranean, and Greece, and Italy, and Spain, and perhaps France herself, be doomed to an irrevocable subserviency? No; let us rather strain every nerve to confine this gigantic and ill-regulated force within its proper limits. Let us trace out the strict line of demarcation between light and darkness, and prevent the diffusion of the latter over the earth. Surely the monarch whose dominions encircle our globe cannot with any justice complain :

Tenet ille immania saxa

Vestrus, Eure, domus, illa se jactet in aula. There can be no doubt of the evil, for which many remedies may

be suggested ; and it would be presumption in me to press any particular detail on your Lordship’s notice. The establishment of Greece as an independent but tributary republic, or the erection of a monarchy on the ruins of Mohammedan empire, in case of the obstinate resistance of the latter, present no immediate objections ; but I am only anxious to direct the attention of the public to the one important step on which the success and utility of every future arrangement must depend—I mean a strict union between the constitutional Governments of Europe.

It is true, that so recently as in the debates which preceded our late contest with France, the senseless term of our “natural enemy” was revived as an appeal to the feelings of the populace; but at this moment, it would scarcely, I think, be listened to by the most unreflecting. What can the term be supposed to signify? Is our proximity a natural ground of enmity? Is it supposed as impossible for two neighboring nations to harmonise, as it is for the two adjoining chords of a musical instrument ? To follow up the reasoning, Russia must, I presume, be termed our natural friend, on account of the distance which now, at least, separates us. But to cease such trifling, the most natural enmity—the only natural enmity which I can comprehend, is that of virtue and vice-knowlege and ignorance-light and darkness. Well might the Emperor of Austria tell the professors at Laybach, that he wished to have obedient, and not learned subjects. His was the antipathy of darkness to light

Deep on the dismal regions of the dead
Th'infernal monarch rear'd his horrid head,
Leap'd from his throne, lest Neptune's arm should lay
His dark dominions open to the day,
And pour in light on Pluto's dread abodes,

Abhorr’d by men, and dreadful e'en to gods.' It is also true, that we have by a series of blunders been placed in a hostile and, I will say, unnatural position towards France. The conduct also of France with regard to Spain will, I am aware, be objected as being in opposition to what I have here termed the civilising principle. But we may be assured that had we from the first evinced a disposition to enter into a cordial union with the French, we should have secured an enlightened Government in that country in the first instance, and should have been enabled at Verona, with its assistance, to guarantee such a constitution to Spain as would have gradually diffused the information which alone

Pope's Homer.—The spirit of the original is incapable of transfusion, but the sentiment is well preserved.

* Lord Castlereagh concurred with the Ministers of the northern Powers in considering that a liberal minister ought not to be countenanced in France. The Duke of Richelieu was, I believe, alluded to.

renders man capable of freedom, by teaching him to unravel, from the entangled mass of enjoyment and misery, the clues which may serve him as unerring guides to happiness.

The conduct of France was the result of the measures adopted by us at Vienna and Aix-la-Chapelle. The war with Spain was undoubtedly popular; and on no account more so, I admit, than because it was known that England was opposed to it. A natural feeling of enthusiasm aroused the indignation of the French youth, which, combined it must be allowed with the leaven of the military frensy, caused a general ferment throughout the country. The well-disposed and more experienced were obliged to give way to the arts of the designing, seconded by the vehemence of youth; for the war with Spain was regarded as the emancipation of France from her servitude ; and in bursting from her chains, she fell with the exultation of revenge on a system supported by the good wishes at least of her most inveterate foe. The act was not, I am persuaded, the calm deliberate resolve of the French Cabinet, which has since succeeded in guiding the violence it could not restrain; and the very army which marched to the support of despotism, is now protecting Spain against the cabals of the most despicable slaves who have ever disgraced the name of man. Nay, I will not -hesitate to affirm, that the disgusting spectacle of priestcraft and despotism exhibited to the eyes of the French army in Spain will produce, as its necessary consequence, the same salutary effects as the exhibition of the drunken Helot to the free-born Spartan.

Most sincerely, my Lord, do I believe that the moment is now arrived in which the future welfare of mankind may be secured or marred for ages. Whatever question may arise as to the prudence of the late Mr. Canning's speech on the memorable evening of the King's message with regard to Portugal, some of the truths contained in it were as striking as they

were forcibly pronounced. The future wars which may desolate Europe will exhibit the conflict of national opinion, instead of the ambition of individual despots on the one hand, with the in itself inert mass of slavery and ignorance, animated by the stirring spirit of that ambition, on the other. The united efforts of the former will be irresistible. Magna est veritas, et prevalebit. But truth is one and indivisible, and such must be the tempers of her worshippers. United with France and the Netherlands, and such Powers in the south of Germany as have obtained constitutional Governments, the cause of civilisation may be secured from every attack. To diffuse its benevolent principles, we must not have recourse to violence, but trust to the efforts which will be produced by the fertilising streams derived from the fountain-head. The principle to which we must oppose our combined resistance is isolating by its nature, for it is the prin

ciple of exclusive self-interest. Can Austria, for instance, hesitate, at the present moment, whether she ought to co-operate with her redoubted neighbour, or will she not rather participate in the jealousy experienced by those who are opposed to her encroaching policy?

And let not the circumstances under which Russia at present marks her designs deceive us : they can scarcely deceive the most unthinking. The bare fact that the avowed despotical principle has been lost sight of, that a people struggling for liberty against the oppressor have received the aid of a member of the Holy Alliance, is sufficient to awaken our utmost suspicion. Whether England or France have acted wisely whilst adopting such an ally, or whether proper precautions have been taken to prevent the mischief which may result from the presence of a Russian army in the immediate vicinity of the three Greek provinces under her protection, time will probably develope to the laity, who are uninitiated in the negotiations which have taken place. One point is sufficiently obvious—namely, that a strict union in the councils of England and France is at this critical moment particularly necessary. Can we forget that in the very bay of Navarino, the Spartan pride was so humbled by the rival Republic of Athens, as to render any atonement less than that of the destruction of the Athenian liberty unavailable? And shall we forget also the advantage taken by the despotic Sovereign of Macedon, of the dissensions between the two States which should have been the guardians and protectors of the common liberty of Greece ? The danger, thank God, is not equal; but is not the parallel between our situation and that of the Athenians, addressed by Demosthenes,' at this moment most striking ? Are we not in each succeeding day inquiring what news from Greece ?—as if there were any greater news than that of a combination of England and France to throw Turkey into the gigantic arms of Russia.

The evils attendant on the want of a generous sympathy between those who desire the happiness of mankind have already been touched on, and may surely be considered as a no less cogent reason for our union with those who would willingly embark in so glorious an enterprise, than the direct advantages to be derived from such an alliance. If we persevere in the system adopted at Vienna and Aix-la-Chapelle, what can we expect but the recurrence of the disastrous effects already experienced—the discouragement of the wise and good, the exultation of the weak and wicked, and a general distrust and disunion, whose effect was well known of old to be the most favorable symptom for the despot ? Divide et impera

See the 1st Philippic.

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