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published his celebrated Dialogue concerning the Slavery of the Africans, together with his Address to Slaveholders. This is a remarkable document. It opposes both the purchasing and the owning of slaves. Some parts of it are written in a style of live-oak. They are good specimens of the condensed vigor which he could, at times, throw into his composition. Very few reasons and motives have since been adduced for manumission, which are not found in this pamphlet. It was for a long time a thesaurus for less original writers on the subject. It is noteworthy, that he penned this Dialogue during the alarms which his people were suffering, in the two years preceding their dispersion by the British. He published it in the midst of the revolutionary war! He printed it at Norwich; probably because the Newport press could not safely engage in so offensive an enterprise. What hope had he, that amid the distracting influences of the struggle for independence, his countrymen would listen to an appeal for the slave? He deemed it the fitting time for such an appeal; because, while men were expending their treasures for their own freedom, they would feel the consistency of giving freedom to their own bondmen. Hopkins meant to sound a trumpet which would be heard throughout the land. He aimed high. He dedicated his pamphlet to the "Honorable Continental Congress." Copies of it were sent to the members of that body, and to the prominent citizens in all the colonies. As it was, in some respects, perhaps the ablest document which had, at that time and on that theme, appeared in the English language, and as it was not known to have come from an humble parson, (for its author did not publish his name at first,) it had a wide circulation among statesmen. It was reprinted, in an edition of two thousand copies, by the New York Manumission Society, conformably to a vote passed December 11, 1785, less than a year after the formation of the society. A copy of it was sent, in accordance with another vote of the same association, to every member of Congress, and of the New York Legislature. John Jay was at that time the President of the society, and Alexander Hamilton the Secretary. Among its most active members were James Duane, Mayor of New York City, and Robert R. Livingston, Chancellor of New York State. The society, in about five months after it had published this Dialogue, addressed a petition to the Legislature, in favor of a law prohibiting the exportation of slaves for a foreign market. It is said that the Dialogue did much to prepare the minds of the society for this aggressive movement.

At a subsequent date, the society directed the following letter to Mr. Hopkins. It is worthy of remark, that about three months before this honor was conferred on him, the same honor was conferred, by the same association, upon Granville Sharp, of England.*

See the letter of Judge Jay, and Mr. Sharp's acknowledgment of the same, in Prince Hoare's Life of Sharp, pp. 252, 334, quarto edition.

"New York, December 10, 1788. Reverend Sir: I have the honor to inform you that the Society for promoting the Manumission of Slaves, and protecting such of them as have been or may be liberated, wishing to show their respect to gentlemen who are eminent for their attachment to the rights of men in general, and particularly to those who espouse the cause of the enslaved Africans, have lately added to their rules one for the admission of honorary members; and at their last meeting took the liberty of enrolling your name among them; of which they directed notice to be given by their Committee of Correspondence, in whose behalf I now write. It is with peculiar pleasure I communicate the information, and have the honor to be, Reverend Sir, your very humble servant, EBEN HAZARD."

About the same time, Mr. Hopkins was elected an honorary member of the Pennsylvania Society for the Manumission of Slaves; of which society Benjamin Franklin was President, and Dr. Benjamin Rush was Secretary.

It must not be supposed that Hopkins confined his efforts to the pulpit and the press. "In one instance," says Mr. John G. Whittier,* "he borrowed, on his own responsibility, the sum requisite to secure the freedom of a slave in whom he became interested." He was a kind of anti-slavery apostle, visiting from house to house, and urging masters to free their bondmen. He persuaded several of his neighbors to perform this duty, and his conversation with many clergymen awakened their minds to exertion in this branch of benevolence. We cannot estimate the amount of good which he accomplished in the following interview with Dr. Bellamy, whose example was a law to multitudes. Mr. Ferguson says, † that while Hopkins was once on a visit at the house of Bellamy, who then owned a slave, he pressed upon his friend the objections against slavery. Bellamy defended the system with the usual arguments, and Hopkins refuted them, and then called on his friend to free his slave at once; Bellamy replied, that "the slave was a most faithful and judicious servant; that in his management of the farm, he could be trusted with every thing; and that he was so happy in his servitude, that he would, in the opinion of his master, refuse his freedom, were it offered to him. Will you consent to his liberation,' said Dr. Hopkins, if he really desires it? Yes,' replied Dr. Bellamy, I will.' The slave was then at work in the field. Call him,' said Dr. H., and let us try.' The slave came to receive, as he he supposed, the commands of his master. -Have you a good master?' said Dr. Hopkins, addressing the slave. What could the slave answer but, Yes'? Are you happy in your present condition?' How could the slave deny that he was? Would you be more happy if you were free?' 'O, yes, massa, would be much more happy.' You have your desire,' exclaimed Dr. Bellamy : from this moment you are free.""

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* See National Era, July 12, 1847. See also Patten's Reminiscences, pp. 82, 83. + Life of Hopkins, pp. 85, 86.

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Substantially the same narrative has been given by several writers beside Mr. Fer

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SECT. XXXIV. INTEREST IN ABOLITION SOCIETIES, AND IN POLITICAL ACTION AGAINST SLAVERY.

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When Mr. Hopkins first preached against the slave system, there was not so far as we are apprised an association formed in the world for abolishing that system. Multitudes were in favor of the abolition, but they had no concerted plan for effecting their purpose. Although the forecasting mind of the Newport pastor was not the first to devise the scheme of Abolition Societies, yet he was quick to see their worth, and his efforts were among the foremost means of augmenting their number. Not only by his Sermons and Dialogue, but by his numerous letters to public men, and by his newspaper essays, he stirred up ministers and laymen to an organized and political action against slavery. He found powerful coadjutors among the Society of Friends. He found, also, an innate love of freedom among the yeomen of Rhode Island. With all his martyr-spirit, he doubtless foresaw that the mass of the people would come right; for, although he was not familiar with the etiquette of society, he had a profound knowledge of human nature,* and a faith that God will lead his servants through much tribulation into ultimate success. It was cheering to him, that some time after he had broken the silence of the pulpit, the friends of freedom, in June, 1774, pressed a lawsomewhat inoperative, indeed — through the Legislature of Rhode Island, prohibiting the importation of negroes into the colony. Still more cheering was the legislative vote of February, 1784,† declaring that all children of slaves, born after the first of the next March, should be free. He found hosts of enemies, however, and the following correspondence exhibits his activity in counteracting their schemes, and in waking up the energies of good men. It discloses, also, the hardships to which the early advocates of freedom were exposed, and our obligations to them for enduring this" hardness as good soldiers."

To Moses Brown, of Providence, a wealthy member of the Society of Friends. -"Newport, April 29, 1784. Much esteemed Friend: I am much pleased with your zeal, and persevering, assiduous attempts to discourage and abolish the slave trade and the slavery of the Africans among us. Though I have a degree of the same zeal, yet I am apt to sink under discouragements which you seem easily to surmount. I have dared publicly to declare that this town is the most guilty, respecting the slave trade, of any on the continent, as it has been, in a great measure, built up by the blood of the poor Africans; and that the only way to escape the effects of divine displeasure, is to be sensible

* When Dr. C. J. Tenney was a young man, on his way to Newport, Dr. Spring, of Newburyport, said to him, "In fifteen minutes, Dr. Hopkins will sound you through and through."

In this year, however, a motion to prohibit the slave trade was negatived by a considerable majority of the General Assembly of Rhode Island. Still, the Rhode Island Assembly was only four years later than the Assembly of Pennsylvania, in securing the freedom of the slaves to be born within the State.

of the sin, repent, and reform. This has greatly displeased a number, and I fear the most are far from a disposition to repent, especially they who have the greatest share of the guilt. This town, I greatly fear, will be the last in the State to do what they ought to do, and be foremost in it, respecting that most abominable traffic, and the consequent slavery that is among us. This gives me a gloomy prospect of our future circumstances. The freemen have chosen a new set of representatives, except one. Though some of them are, in many respects, worthy men, I believe not one of them will vote for any law to discourage the slave trade, or the slavery of the Africans. And I suspect that they who planned this choice had a particular view to this. As there are objections against the law freeing those blacks which shall be born in future, especially against the towns where they are born being obliged to maintain them, &c., I expect there will be a strong motion to have it altered or repealed at the next General Assembly; and I fear that, by the cunning and influence of a number, the latter will be effected. But GOD sitteth in the heavens.

"The Friends have set a laudable example in bearing testimony against the slave trade, and exerting themselves to suppress the slavery of the Africans; and, I must say, have acted more like Christians, in this important article, than any other denomination of Christians among us. To our shame be it spoken! The church in which I preside have agreed to declare, that the slave trade and the slavery of the blacks, as it has been practised among us, is a gross violation of the righteousness and benevolence which are so much inculcated in the gospel, and, therefore, we will not tolerate it in this church. But it is thought that present circumstances will not admit of our addressing the General Assembly on that head, so as to answer any good purpose. What I published formerly, in the weekly paper here, consisted chiefly in extracts from other authors, all which you have doubtless seen, and most of them have since been printed in Providence papers. Our printer gave such offence to a number, by publishing those extracts, and was so threatened, if he continued to insert such things in his paper, that he has been backward to do any thing of this kind since. He has, however, consented to print some observations on that head, which I thought proper at this time, next Saturday; a copy of which I shall send to you when I have opportunity."+

To Moses Brown." Nov. 17, 1784. My worthy Friend: I enclose to you something relating to the slave trade, that you may get it inserted in the Providence papers, if you think it will answer any valuable end. I have not offered it to the printer here, because I thought if it first appeared in our paper, the author would be more likely to be suspected, which would answer no good end, but the contrary. I am glad to see the address of the Friends to the British Legislature, inserted in Mr. Wheeler's paper. I hope it will have influence. At least, they have delivered themselves from the guilt of that horrible trade."

*He published, at this period, various extracts from the writings of the Bishop of Gloucester; and several years afterward, extracts from the works of Clarkson and Paley, on the slave system. He also published, if we may judge from the style of the anonymous essays, more of original matter than came from the pen of any other Rhode Islander, on this topic

This article was printed in the Newport Mercury of May 1, 1784; and as a specimen of his mildest style on the subject of slavery, is now republished in the Doctrinal Tract Society's edition of Hopkins's Works.

This is a very spirited article. It first appeared in the United States Chronicle, Political, Commercial, and Historical, printed by Bennet Wheeler, Providence; and at the close is the following notice: "All the printers of newspapers in the United States, who are friends to liberty, their country, and mankind, are desired to insert the above in their several papers." Great efforts were made by Mr. Brown to circulate all of Mr. Hopkins's newspaper essays. Many of them were struck off in a separate form, and distributed as circulars over the country.

In E. Copley's History of Slavery, it is said that the first petition to Parliament for the abolition of the slave trade was presented in 1785, by citizens of Bridgewater.

To Dr. Levi Hart, of Preston, Connecticut.*. "February 10, 1786. Reverend and Dear Sir: I send you three pamphlets, put into my hands to promote a conviction of the evil of the slave trade and of slavery. You will use them to that end, in the way you think best. They are printed by the Quakers in England. Mr. Brown, of Providence, who sent them to me, writes that the dissenting clergy are joining to promote the utter abolition of slavery in the British dominions, and of the slave trade. He wishes to have a prize t set up in some of our colleges, to be given for the best piece against the slave trade, and says he will give twenty dollars toward such a design. He wishes the clergy in America were more engaged to use their influence against the slave trade. Query: Would it not be worth while to attempt to get the Convention of clergy in Boston, the General Association in Connecticut, and the Synod of New York and Philadelphia, to remonstrate against it to Congress, or [in] some other way to bear their testimony against it?"

To Moses Brown." March 9, 1787. My Friend: I wrote you two days ago, but having since received a letter from Mr. Law, dated Charleston, February 16, I write again to send you the following abstract from it: 'A Captain Moses S., of Providence, shipped two free negroes as seamen on board his vessel; and when he arrived at this place, he, instead of paying them their wages, according to agreement, sold them for slaves. A gentleman, whom I desired to inquire into the matter, informed me yesterday that they were redeemed and set at liberty. But I think such iniquity ought not to go unpunished, if any law will take hold of it; and I wish you to write to Mr. Moses Brown. If nothing more, it may be a means of their preventing others doing in like manner.' You will please to make what use of this you think best. He informs me that the Legislature in North Carolina had made a law prohibiting the importing slaves into that State; and that a senator, member of the Legislature of South Carolina, then sitting at Charleston, had told him that he did not doubt but a law of the same tenor would be enacted at that session."

To Moses Brown." August 13, 1787. My Kind Friend: Yours of July 17 came to hand about the beginning of this month. I thank you for the intelligence you have taken pains to communicate to me. I have the same opinion of Dr. Thornton ‡ that you have entertained of him. I have seen the memorial that you, with your friends, presented to the General Assembly of this State, and highly approve of it. I have made a motion to most of the ministers in this town to join with all the ministers in this State, in presenting a memorial to the Assembly, of the same tenor with yours. Several of them approve, and say they will sign such a memorial, if I will draw one. But my situation and business will not admit of my applying to all the ministers in the State, before the Assembly is to sit. I hope to present the matter as soon as possi

But Clarkson, in his History, p. 94, mentions the petition of the Quakers for the same object, in 1783; to which petition Mr. Hopkins here alludes. The House of Burgesses, in Virginia, petitioned the King, on the first of April, 1772, for the abolition of the slave trade in their colony.

* Rev. Levi Hart, of Preston, Connecticut, was an intimate friend of Hopkins, from 1760 to 1803. He was a theological student of Bellamy, and married Rebecca, Bellamy's eldest daughter. He was among the original founders of the Missionary Society of Connecticut, and was active in forming the connection between the churches of Connecticut and the Presbyterian General Assembly. He was a trustee of Dartmouth, and also of Yale College. He was a man of influence. At his funeral, Dr. Joel Benedict preached a sermon; and on the following Sabbath Dr. Nathan Strong preached another sermon, in memory of his virtues. Both of these discourses were published.

The idea of this seems to have been suggested by the prize essay proposed in the year preceding, by Dr. Peckard, of Cambridge, England. Thomas Clarkson was the successful competitor for the premium, and derived from it his first interest in the cause of the slave.

One of the earliest friends of the colonization scheme.

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