end of their institution, in the best way that can be devised, and in imitation of that which has been formed in Great Britain for the same purpose?

"Is there not reason to believe, that, if such a plan was well digested, and properly laid before the public, and urged, with the reasons which offer, and a company or committee formed to conduct the affair, there might be a sum collected sufficient to carry it into effect?

"The General Court in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts did, some time ago, make a resolve to the following purpose: That when a place can be found in Africa, where the blacks in that State may settle to their advantage, they would furnish them with shipping and provisions sufficient to transport them there, and with arms sufficient to defend them, and farming utensils sufficient to cultivate their lands. If all the States in the Union, or most of them, would take the same measure, such a design might be soon and easily carried into execution. Nothing appears to be wanting but a proper, most reasonable zeal, in so good a cause."

The preceding document suggests the following, among other

comments:

First. It is obvious that the colony which Hopkins proposed, was not to have an exclusively missionary character. It was to be a free and independent nation, cultivating the arts of life, and conducting a foreign commerce.

Secondly. It is equally evident, that our reformer did not intend to make the piety of the Africans an indispensable qualification for their joining his colony, at its commencement even. He would even then admit all who were "industrious and of a good moral character."

Thirdly. His scheme was self-consistent and comprehensive. To some it may appear, that his plan of sending to Africa such blacks only as would exert there a good moral influence, cannot be reconciled with his scheme of sending "all the blacks" in the United States to their father-land. There is, however, an entire congruity between the two proposals. He intended to transport, first, such colonists only as bore a good character, and such as would lay the foundations of a Christian government. When a colony had been firmly established, on religious principles, it would, in his view, exert a salutary moral influence upon our whole colored population, if they should" gradually" emigrate to it. Then, their emigration would be desirable, as it would be an emigration for Christian purposes, and with a prospect of maintaining Christian institutions.

Fourthly. Our philanthropist cannot be accused of any want of sympathy with his colored brethren, in his proposing their removal to their father-land. He had no desire to force them from our shores, for our own comfort or convenience. He did not favor their removal against their will. It was their good which prompted his efforts. He had a profound conviction, that they never would be so happy among us, as they could be in an independent nation by themselves; that their physical condition would be improved by returning to the climate of their ancestors; that their mental, and, above all,

their spiritual welfare required a government especially adapted to them. For a quarter of a century, he had lived in the neighborhood of the Stockbridge Indians, and had seen the difficulty of persuading the superior race to treat the inferior with a becoming friendliness. Of course he blamed the prevalent disposition to injure the weaker classes. But he looked upon the disposition as an existing fact, and he therefore devised means for avoiding its influence.

Fifthly. Whether Hopkins were right or wrong in his colonization scheme, (and this is no place for expressing an opinion on the subject,) he was in advance of his age. In the year 1850-1, many of the most eminent citizens of Rhode Island presented a petition to Congress, in favor of transporting to Africa, at the national expense, such negroes as may desire to emigrate thither. Perhaps not one of these petitioners was aware that, fifty-eight years before they made their proposal, substantially the same plan had been published to the world by a Newport pastor. These petitioners requested that, as the Colonization Society could not remove all the blacks who might wish to change their residence, the national government would lend its aid. Hopkins had proposed, more than a half century before, that the national government should be at the expense of the transportation; or, if this aid could not be procured, that a company should be formed to superintend the removal. This " "company would be, in fact, a colonization society, conducted on such principles as Granville Sharp and Wilberforce would approve; on such principles as would secure a preponderating religious influence.

Twenty years after his first public movement in favor of the Africans, Hopkins addressed the following letter to Dr. Hart:

"July 29, 1793. Bristol Yamma is out of health, and can do little or no business. He has been advised to go into a warmer climate, supposing it would conduce to his health. There is a prospect of an opportunity for him to go to Sierra Leone next fall, and spend the winter there. There is a gentleman in this town who has lately come from that place, and informs me that the settlement of blacks on that river, about eight miles above the mouth of the river, called Freetown, goes on with success and agreeable prospects; that eleven hundred blacks or more are settled there, and within a year have cleared a large quantity of land, and done a surprising deal of work; that they are all contented and pleased and healthy, -appear sober and pious, meeting morning and evening for prayers, &c. They have a Governor from England, and several other gentlemen to take care of the affairs of the settlement, who are upright, benevolent men, and very friendly to the blacks, treating them upon an equality with themselves. They are preparing to raise sugarcane, coffee, &c. He says he is acquainted with that river and the adjacent country, having lived there many years; that he doubts not land may be had in those parts for any number to settle upon, who should be inclined to go from America. If Bristol could go, (and it would be desirable that one more, at least, should go with him,) he might promote the design of a proposed settlement, by getting acquainted with the country and inhabitants, and perhaps finding a place where a settlement may be made, and on what terms land may be had. This cannot be done without some money. I will give fifty dollars toward it, if it can be carried into effect. Perhaps, if the plan and proposal

should be laid before the Connecticut Abolition Society, at their next meeting at New Haven, or communicated to individuals who are most likely to forward the matter, money might be obtained for that end. Such a settlement, promoted by the Americans, would not only tend to the good of the Africans, but would, in time, be a source of a profitable trade to America, instead of the West India trade, which will probably fail more and more, as the curse of Heaven seems to be coming on those islands, where the slavery of the Africans, in all the horrors of it, has been practised so long.”

Now, in his seventy-third year, our reformer is as eager as he had been to communicate, as well as to receive, information in reference to his favorite scheme. He writes to Dr. Hart:

"October 31, at night, 1793. Reverend and Dear Sir: All the information I can give respecting the men of [whom] Bristol spoke to you, is the following: A white man, about sixty years old, and a black, called upon me, and said they came from Saint Croix, a Danish island. The black was a native of that island, a free man, and a Moravian. He spoke good English, and is a man of property. He says there are five thousand free blacks in that island. The white comes from Denmark. He speaks English badly, and talks so fast that I could not understand a great part of what he said. But I collected the following from him:

66

The king of the Danes has lately made a [purchase] of land in Guinea, lying in the fifth degree of north latitude, of eighty miles square, on which he proposes to make a settlement of blacks only. The whites, who accompany them, to protect and assist them in forming a settlement, a civil government, &c., are to have no land, but leave the country to the blacks as soon as they have answered the end for which they are to be sent. They are to raise the productions of that climate, and Denmark is to have the monopoly of their trade, as the only compensation. -This gentleman represents himself as sent by the king of Denmark to go and view said tract of land, and see whether a settlement can be made upon it, and where, or in what part of it, &c. The black is going with him. They have hired a vessel, at Providence, to carry them to Guinea, for which he gives five hundred dollars. They have both engaged to send me information of their success. The white man appears to be a Lutheran; but says Christians of all denominations will be allowed to settle there; that there are seven whites and blacks already gone there, whom they expect to find on the spot. On the whole, the affair has a romantic appearance, and I suspect will come to nothing. The appearance of the white man is not promising; and it is rather improbable that such a man should be sent by his Danish majesty on such business; but time will bring forth."

At length, June 9, 1794, this tenacious man communicates a discouraging fact to Dr. Hart:

"I have got no farther information respecting the settlement of the blacks at Sierra Leone. When at Providence, I inquired after the black, who, I heard, came from that place, but could get no information. I believe the story was magnified. The Abolition Society were to take the matter into consideration, at their meeting in May. But [I] have not heard what they did; believe they did nothing. The Friends are always backward in promoting such settlement, and are the most active members, and nothing can be done without them. Bristol Yamma is dead! He died last January, in North Carolina."

But although the prospects of our philanthropist were dark in his own country, he continued to enjoy the sympathies of his fellow

m

laborers in England. We find that at this period he was engaged in a correspondence with Zachary Macaulay, so highly celebrated as editor of the Christian Observer, as the companion of Scott, Newton, and Wilberforce, and more recently as the father of the historian, Thomas Babington Macaulay. The correspondence is valuable, as it shows the care which both Macaulay and Hopkins took, in selecting worthy emigrants for the new settlement on the African coast. It corroborates the preceding assertion, that the colonization which Hopkins favored was not, in its early stages, to be promiscuous, but select; not limited, however, to the strictly pious Africans, but including also those who were apparently favorable to religion. Two of Mr. Macaulay's letters are here inserted, for the sake of illustrating the kind of missionary colonization in which Hopkins was engaged.

"Freetown, Sierra Leone, 19 March, 1795. Reverend Sir: We refer you to the enclosed paper, marked No. 1, for an explanation of the reasons which have induced us at this time to trouble you. We have considered it as a sufficient ground on which to solicit your good offices, that you are interested in the cause of humanity, and that you are zealous in the service of Christ. Believing, therefore, that you will regard no task as a burden which gives you an opportunity of manifesting these dispositions, we address you on the present occasion, with the full assurance that you will be favorable to our views, and that you will spare no pains in fulfilling them.

"You already know, that several families of people of color, belonging to Providence, have joined in making an application to us for a settlement at Sierra Leone; and though we be by no means desirous of an accession of colonists, yet their application has been so urgent, that we have been induced to comply with it. The number to be received is, however, limited to twelve families; and on perusing the conditions, you will see that even these are not to be received, unless they prese: satisfactory testimonials of their moral character, signed by you and anothe. clergyman, and by the President of the Abolition Society.

"The difficulties which have already arisen, in forming this settlement, from the injudicious admission of persons of doubtful character, have led us to guard more carefully against a similar evil in the present instance. These difficulties have arisen, either from fallacious notions of civil rights, (a thing not to be wondered at in emancipated slaves,) from extreme vehemence of temper, or from low, confused and imperfect ideas of moral rectitude. The first of these may, no doubt, be corrected by enlightening their minds; the second may be curbed by wholesome laws; and the last may be amended and improved by the preaching of the gospel: but we should be much better pleased to have an accession of colonists who would strengthen our hands in accomplishing these purposes, than of men who would furnish us with additional employment in that way.

"There is another evil, however, which we fear may prevail among those with whom the present application has originated, and which we wish to guard against with more care than even against these. We mean the evil of speculative infidelity. From general circumstances which have passed under our observation, we are led to judge, that the poison of the Age of Reason'* may have pervaded even this class of men. Now, we trust you will agree with us, in thinking that the introduction of one such unbeliever into a

* It may here be mentioned, that the author of the Age of Reason" had been aetively engaged in behalf of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society.

colony founded for the express purpose of spreading among the heathen the knowledge of a Saviour, might prove an evil beyond all calculation. We are not such bigots as to require subscription to creeds and articles; nor are we such latitudinarians, as to be willingly accessory to admitting into the colony one person who has learned to treat religion with contempt. However great the usefulness of such people might be in other respects, we should conceive ourselves to be more essentially serving the cause of God, by forming a colony of the blindest of those blind people who now inhabit this land. We do not look for characters of eminent piety, but we would expect a sober demeanor, good intentions, and a disposition favorable to religion. Without these, no man can make a good member of any community; much less of one established expressly for the purpose of preaching to Africa the acceptable year of the Lord. What we have, then, particularly to request of you, sir, is, that you would refuse your signature to any person's certificate with whom you have not reason to be satisfied in this respect, as well as in every other. Religion is not, indeed, expressly mentioned in the conditions, as necessary to form a part of their character who migrate hither; but as we think you will agree with us in opinion, that none can with propriety be entitled to the denomination of moral, of whose characters religion does not form the basis, the omission is of no moment.

"We have written on this subject to you alone; but we beg of you to communicate our sentiments to the Chairman of the Abolition Society, and to any other clergyman you may think proper to associate with you.

"We enclose a paper, No. 2, which will give you some notion of the extent to which the slave trade is carried on in our neighborhood by Americans. We hoped that the act of your Congress would have effectually abolished it; but we find, on the contrary, that it has considerably increased since the time of the passing of that act. Had we had time, we should have sent you, by this opportunity, a sketch of the history and nature of this settlement, but we shall embrace an early opportunity of doing it. We think it right to say, that the behavior of Mr. James MacKenzie, as far as we have had the, means of observing it, has been proper and becoming.

"Requesting your pardon for the liberty we have now presumed to take, and wishing you continued and increasin health and happiness,

"We remain, reverend sir, your very faithful and obedient servants, ZACHARY MACAULAY, Acting Governor. JAMES WATT, Councillor P. S.

"Rev. Mr. Hopkins, Providence, Rhode Island.”

"Freetown, October 20, 1796. Dear Sir: On my return from England in March last, I was favored with your much esteemed letter of the ninth [of] September, 1795, and had also an opportunity of seeing your obliging communications to the Governor and Council. In their name, I beg to make the heartiest acknowledgments for the attention you was pleased to pay to their requests. They feel themselves particularly indebted to you, for the considerateness with which you withheld your recommendation from persons who might otherwise have caused them much trouble; a circumstance, which will lead them to receive with much regard any recommendation which, at any future period, you may be induced to make them.

"I beg now to return you my best thanks for the pleasure afforded me by your letter, as well as by the tracts accompanying it. I have perused them with profit, and have only to regret, that an oversight of Captain Benson's, should have deprived me of the satisfaction of perusing some more bulky productions of the same pen. During my late visit to Europe, I had an opportunity of passing some time at Edinburgh. My very excellent and venerable friend, Dr. Erskine, communicated to me the substance of the interesting account you give of your labors in behalf of this benighted land. It is to be regretted, that they should have hitherto proved so fruitless. We may, however, regard that and every similar effort that has been made, however to our