ducting these initial hearings, Mr. Chairman, here instead of on Guam, you limit our access to democracy in action. We have been treated arbitrarily, insensitively and expediently, like unwanted stepchildren, by the world's masters of democracy, while novice democracies make genuine efforts to extend democratic rights to their colonial possessions. Take note, masters, New Zealand's enlightened political relationship with the Cook Islands can be an important lesson. In crafting the commonwealth bill, we were mindful of our obligations to ourselves and our nation. We drew upon the wisdom and the courage of the founding fathers who drafted the U.S. Constitution. We were as conscious then, as we are now, that this bill, like the Constitution, would be one of great import, of sweeping scope and novelty. It is something unique because it serves the needs of a people, a place, and a situation that are equally unique. We are few; we are distant; we are politically powerless, but we are Americans. We are patriots, but patriotism cannot enlarge the size of our island or shrink the miles between us. We are loyal to American democracy, but loyalty has gained us little. Now we seek to become members of the American political family in our own separate house, far removed from yours. We seek autonomy and self-government in the form and manner best suited to our needs and situation. The Guam Commonwealth Act is based on our fundamental right as Americans to do so. Gentlemen, commonwealth is of paramount importance to us, but some treat our quest for equality lightly. They relegate us to insignificance and insult our dignity. And in doing so, they besmirch the honor and integrity of the nation. The fate of our proposal is in your hands, but if you discount it; if, in your opinion, we still do not merit your fullest and most attentive consideration, we will mourn the continuing denial of our human rights. Governed without our consent. Denied full representation. Excluded from the American body politic. Powerless to defend against exploitation. And, saddest of all, not completely protected by the Constitution. While the world rejoices at the spread of freedom and democracy, how will you explain our sorrow? What will you tell the rest of the American people? What will history say about these injustices? I leave you, Mr. Chairman, with these words from the Declaration of Independence: That among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. These powerful statements sprang from imperial oppression and insensitivity. As Americans, we celebrate this philosophy. As Guamanians, we celebrate its promise. And we will not tolerate hypocrisy any longer. President Harry S. Truman, whose administration proposed the Organic Act of Guam, wrote: We have never sought to dominate the world, or to exploit any of its people, or force our will, our system of government on any nation, firm and dedicated as we are in our democratic institutions. The Guam Commonwealth Bill is before you, a product of our democratic processes. We hope you and your colleagues in the Senate will act on our proposal in the same spirit that guided us to produce it. Thank you. [Prepared statement of Governor Bordallo follows:] TESTIMONY RICARDO J. BORDALLO House Interior Subcommittee State Capitol Tuesday, December 12, 1989 MR. CHAIRMAN, MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I AM RICARDO J. BORDALLO, A CITIZEN AND SERVANT OF GUAM. I HAVE HAD THE PLEASURE OF SERVING MY PEOPLE AS A SEVEN-TERM GUAM LEGISLATOR AND AS GOVERNOR IN TWO TERMS. I AM TESTIFYING IN FAVOR OF THE GUAM COMMONWEALTH BILL AT THE ENCOURAGEMENT AND BEHEST OF THE PEOPLE OF GUAM. IF I CANNOT PRESENT THIS TESTIMONY IN PERSON, IT IS BECAUSE THIS MOMENT IS NOT MINE TO CONTROL. BUT I AM PATIENT. I WILL HAVE OTHER MOMENTS, AND I WILL BE FREE TO POLITICAL SOLDIER, WHO WAGES IDEOLOGICAL BATTLES AGAINST SUPPRESSION AND INJUSTICE. I CONTINUE MY MISSION EVEN NOW, BUT I AM TOO DISILLUSIONED TO PANDER TO YOUR FAVOR WITH GLOWING RHETORIC. THE PEOPLE OF GUAM HAVE WAITED TOO LONG FOR YOUR FAVOR. WE HAVE WAITED IN VAIN AND HAVE SUFFERED NEEDLESSLY IN THE PROCESS. WITHOUT AS CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMISSION ON SELF DETERMINATION FROM 1983 TO '87, I PRESIDED OVER THE DRAFTING OF THE GUAM COMMONWEALTH BILL. THIS MEASURE WAS INSPIRED BY THE MOST NOBLE PRINCIPLES OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY AND WRITTEN WITH THE SAME CONFIDENCE AND SENSE MORE IMPORTANT, OF PURPOSE AS THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. IT WAS SANCTIONED BY THE PEOPLE OF GUAM IN THE DEEPEST BELIEF IN AMERICAN JUSTICE AND FAIR PLAY. IT IS OUR CONSENT TO BE GOVERNED. WE NEEDED NO ONE'S PERMISSION TO PRACTICE DEMOCRACY IN THIS MANNER. WE KNEW WHAT WE WERE SACRIFICING IN MAKING THE CHOICE TO JOIN THE AMERICAN FAMILY. WE KNOW THAT YOU DON'T WANT US AS A STATE. IF YOU REJECT OUR COMMONWEALTH PROPOSAL, THAT LEAVES US WITH TWO ALTERNATIVES. WILL YOU BE TRUE TO YOUR OATH TO DEFEND AND PROTECT THE CONSTITUTION BY DENYING THE DECISION WE HAVE MADE IN A FREE AND OPEN ELECTION? IRONICALLY, AS THE BERLIN WALL CRUMBLES UNDER THE MOMENTUM OF LIBERTY AND JUSTICE AND AS THE GOVERNMENTS OF SOVIET BLOCK NATIONS SUCCUMB TO THEIR PEOPLES' CRIES FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY, OUR NATION, THE BULWARK OF DEMOCRACY, DISCOUNTS THE CRIES OF HER OWN. FOR NEARLY A CENTURY, WE HAVE BEEN NOTHING MORE THAN EXPENDABLE PAWNS IN WASHINGTON'S POLITICAL CHESS GAMES. EVEN NOW, IN CONDUCTING THESE INITIAL HEARINGS HERE INSTEAD OF ON GUAM, YOU LIMIT OUR ACCESS TO DEMOCRACY IN ACTION. WE HAVE BEEN TREATED ARBITRARILY, INSENSITIVELY AND EXPEDIENTLY, LIKE UNWANTED STEPCHILDREN, BY THE WORLD'S MASTERS OF DEMOCRACY, WHILE NOVICE DEMOCRACIES MAKE GENUINE EFFORTS TO EXTEND DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS TO THEIR COLONIAL POSSESSIONS. TAKE NOTE, MASTERS, NEW ZEALAND'S ENLIGHTENED POLITICAL RELATIONSHIP WITH THE COOK ISLANDS CAN BE AN IMPORTANT LESSON. -2 IN CRAFTING THE COMMONWEALTH BILL, WE WERE MINDFUL OF OUR OBLIGATIONS TO OURSELVES AND OUR NATION. WE DREW UPON THE COURAGE AND WISDOM OF THE FOUNDING FATHERS WHO DRAFTED THE U.S. WE WERE AS CONSCIOUS THEN, AS WE ARE NOW, THAT CONSTITUTION. THIS BILL, LIKE THE CONSTITUTION, WOULD BE ONE OF GREAT IMPORT, OF SWEEPING SCOPE AND NOVELTY. IT IS SOMETHING UNIQUE BECAUSE IT SERVES THE NEEDS OF A PEOPLE, A PLACE AND A SITUATION THAT ARE EQUALLY UNIQUE. WE ARE FEW; WE ARE DISTANT; WE ARE POLITICALLY POWERLESS, BUT WE ARE PATRIOTS, BUT PATRIOTISM CANNOT ENLARGE THE SIZE OF OUR ISLAND OR SHRINK THE MILES BETWEEN US. WE ARE WE ARE AMERICANS. LOYAL TO AMERICAN DEMOCRACY, BUT LOYALTY HAS GAINED US LITTLE. NOW WE SEEK TO BECOME MEMBERS OF THE AMERICAN POLITICAL FAMILY IN OUR OWN SEPARATE HOUSE, FAR REMOVED FROM YOURS. WE SEEK AUTONOMY AND SELF GOVERNMENT IN THE FORM AND MANNER BEST SUITED TO OUR NEEDS AND SITUATION. THE GUAM COMMONWEALTH ACT IS BASED ON OUR FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT AS AMERICANS TO DO SO. GENTLEMEN, COMMONWEALTH IS OF PARAMOUNT IMPORTANCE TO US, BUT SOME TREAT OUR QUEST FOR EQUALITY LIGHTLY. THEY RELEGATE US TO INSIGNIFICANCE AND INSULT OUR DIGNITY. AND IN DOING SO, THEY BESMIRCH THE HONOR AND INTEGRITY OF THE NATION. THE FATE OF OUR PROPOSAL IS IN YOUR HANDS, BUT IF YOU DISCOUNT IT; IF, IN YOUR OPINION, WE STILL DO NOT MERIT YOUR FULLEST AND MOST ATTENTIVE CONSIDERATION, WE WILL MOURN THE CONTINUING DENIAL OF OUR HUMAN RIGHTS. GOVERNED WITHOUT OUR CONSENT. DENIED FULL REPRESENTATION. EXCLUDED FROM THE AMERICAN AND, BODY POLITIC. POWERLESS TO DEFEND AGAINST EXPLOITATION. |