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Mr. AKIMOTO. Mr. Chairman, good morning, and distinguished members of the committee.

My name is Vincent Akimoto and I am representing the students from Guam of the University of Hawaii.

As a young person growing up on the island of Guam, I was taught to be proud of my heritage as an American citizen and as a native of Guam.

I was taught that as a citizen, I was guaranteed the rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of my dreams by the Constitution of the United States of America. I also learned that my country would stand for my rights as well as the rights of my fellow Americans should these rights be denied or threatened.

In my schools, I learned of the noble principles upon which my American forefathers built this nation and how the world came to recognize the genius of their dream.

Today, I see the dream still alive as the people in Europe, in China, and in other parts of the world continue to struggle for freedom.

When I was born in 1966, the Congress of the United States of America had yet to permit the people of Guam to exercise their right to elect their own governor. During this time, the country was finding itself falling into the Vietnam conflict and when our nation called for soldiers, many of my uncles and cousins immediately volunteered.

Some of my earliest memories as a child are those of a flickering television screen filled with the images of war in a land that looked so much like my own. Many of Guam's finest sons gave their lives in that war and they died believing that they were Americans.

Today, I stand before you and I ask am I an American? Am I entitled to the same rights as a person living in Hawaii or New Hampshire? Can I go to sleep tonight and awake tomorrow to discover that Congress has decided that they don't want me anymore?

I want to believe that no American would ever deny another American his unalienable rights as a citizen. I want to believe that every bit of American soil is as treasured as the next. I want to believe in the inherent goodness of my country.

Yet, I know that the price of being an American is constant vigilance against threats to freedom and a willingness to fight should threats to that freedom arise. Concomitant to this is the assurance that once has the capability to respond to those threats. The people of Guam do not have this assurance. Our status as an unincorporated territory leaves us subject to the mandates of Congress without equal representation by the people of Guam.

I do not believe that the desire for a more equitable relationship is unreasonable and, as Americans, I believe we have the right to be heard.

Ladies and gentlemen, you will not find any more loyal citizens of this country than you will find in this room. We are proud Americans but we are also people of Guam. Please help us to establish an equitable political status for our homeland so that we all may be dignified citizens.

In conclusion, I would like to thank you for allowing the students of the University of Hawaii this opportunity to be heard.

Thank you.

[Applause.]

Mr. DE LUGO. I don't think anyone sitting here-those of you watching these students testify, you are looking at the backs of their heads, but we are up here and we are watching their faces and no one could have watched you today and not be really moved. For me, it brings back a lot of memories of once upon a time when I was your age and I was asking the same questions. What's more, I am very impressed by what you have done here today because that is not rhetoric that you are putting out as future leaders of Guam. It is not rhetoric. It is the truth.

Guam has something to be proud of here. For anyone to sit where I am sitting and watch your faces, the determination, the commitment, you have to be impressed.

What these young people are asking here today is a very legitimate question. They are asking what does their American citizenship mean. This is a question being asked of Americans in all of the insular areas.

Young people of Guam are asking it, young people of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico are asking it, the young people of my district are asking it. What does their American citizenship mean when they live in an insular area? What is the commitment of the United States?

You are asking other very legitimate questions here today, what will be worked out by the United States with Guam when the commonwealth is established, what are the guarantees that that will not be changed because of the whims of some special interests? That has been the problem for all of the off-shore areas, that commitments are made and then because of circumstances, the competition is a little too tough or some special business interests on the mainland or some other special interests cause those commitments to be broken.

I want to thank you very much for what you have done here today.

Let me tell you, Guam is making a very, very powerful case before this committee.

[Applause.]

Mr. DE LUGO. The Chair would like to recognize the gentleman from Guam at this time, Congressman Ben Blaz.

Mr. BLAZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I just want to amplify what you have said so eloquently. It is very difficult to convey to you in the rear of the audience the sense and passion and feeling and depth of emotion that you feel up here from these young students. It makes me wonder if my own generation had been diligent in all of our efforts, it made me wonder why we didn't have the same courage to express our sentiments 45, 50, 75, 100 years ago?

I think we are way past the citations and past the references and past the treaties. I think we are now at the point where we must do whatever we can to make at least their dreams come true.

As a parent, as a Chamorro, as a Monomko, I am very much a part of you.

[Applause.]

Mr. DE LUGO. The gentleman from American Samoa, Congressman Faleomavaega.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

As I sat here listening to the testimonies, I will say that it certainly has stirred the emotions but I say it because it comes from the heart and this is the kind of message that we have got to put across to our colleagues and to the Congress, and I just hope that perhaps the Guam Legislature will amend its law to allow a member of the Guam Youth Congress to serve on the commission. [Applause.]

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. This is the kind of profound message they bring because it truly comes from the heart.

I cannot second more the tribute given by Congressman Blaz on what you have said. We have in Samoa an expression that you must show dignity behind the house before you can be dignified in front of the house. I wish I could say it in the Samoan language that my Chamorro cousins will not understand, but it is true, how can we go about preaching democracy throughout the world in the front while we have not cleaned up our back yard?

[Applause.]

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I know General Blaz is a great marine general and I remember well in my days we didn't burn draft cards to show our loyalty, we quietly accepted what our government gave us as a responsibility and duty and I think that is the message that you young people have got to say a lot more often than Guam leaders ought to, that this is the loyalty America can expect, no less, no

more.

We ought to do that for our Chamorro citizens.

Thank you.

Mr. DE LUGO. Thank you all again.

I have questions, but I will not ask them. You were terrific. You made your point. Congratulations. Thank you.

Ladies and gentlemen, the next panel of witnesses are former members of the Commission on Self-Determination and Senators of Guam. The Honorable Frank Lujan, Honorable Paul Bordallo, and Honorable Peter Perez.

PANEL CONSISTING OF FRANK LUJAN, PAUL BORDALLO, AND PETER PEREZ

Mr. DE LUGO. Your statements will be made a part of the record, gentlemen, and you may proceed as you see fit.

Mr. LUJAN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.

Let me first commend the members of the young people of Guam for their stirring testimony.

The honorable members of the subcommittee, the gentleman from Puerto Rico, Guam's own General Blaz and the gentleman from American Samoa, my name is Frank Lujan. I don't hold any official position. I am just a part of the group here.

Mr. Chairman, as the chairman of the first political status commission established by the Twelve Guam Legislature back in 1973, I am very, very pleased that the original research done by that commission has contributed to the draft act that is before you now.

Mr. Chairman, yesterday you alluded to the conservatism of the executive branch, whether the president is a Democrat or a Republican.

I have a copy of a petition of the Pacific Daily News, dated August 21, 1979, and let me just read the banner headline, "White House Study Rules Out Independence, Statehood."

This was the report by the interagency task policy review on the territories and the report was requested, the president then was Jimmy Carter.

Ten years hence, today, Mr. Chairman, on the commonwealth petition by the people of Guam, we heard all the objections from the same policy review committee, by a Republican Administration. So it seems, Mr. Chairman, the more things change, the more they remain the same.

In urging you to pass the Commonwealth Act as introduced, I had originally intended to touch briefly on three points.

On the first two points, and I will refrain from further discussion because they have been adequately presented, and that is the treaty obligation of the United States under the Treaty of Paris of 1898, the charter of the United Nations, and the principle of government by the concept of the governed.

Let me just add briefly to the remarks made by Mr. Arriola. During the long, hard fight, the long dark night of the Occupation of Guam by the military forces of Imperial Japan, which lasted two and a half years, Guam was the only American territory occupied during the Second World War.

In those two and a half years, Mr. Chairman, not one Chamorro betrayed the United States. We didn't have any christening in Guam, Mr. Chairman. As a matter of fact, and Mr. Arriola mentioned this, the native Chamorro priests, Father Duenas and his nephew were beheaded for assisting in hiding the sole surviving American sailor who hid, ran away from the Japanese and hid.

But incidently, Mr. Chairman, this survivor just recently passed

away.

I know the red light is on, Mr. Chairman, but let me mention another thing. During the Vietnam War, 71 Chamorros gave their life, paid the supreme sacrifice and as the youth members alluded to, we did not burn our draft cards, we didn't march out in the streets, Mr. Chairman, chanting, hell no, we won't go.

We didn't march out in the streets, Mr. Chairman, chanting, hey, hey, L.B.J., how many did you kill today? No, Mr. Chairman, Guam marched to the beat of a different drummer. We went out into the streets singing God Bless America.

Laugh if you must, Mr. Chairman, or let others mock us, because of our naive attitude but when we see Old Glory flying up there, flying in the breeze, Chamorros see to it that it remains up there fettered. That is our attitude, Mr. Chairman.

Do not fail us, Mr. Chairman. We depend on you to be our advocate. You have a awesome job in persuading your other colleagues, the members of both the House of Representatives and in the Senate.

Take that ball, Mr. Chairman, run it for us.

Thank you very much.

[Prepared statement of Mr. Lujan follows:]

TESTIMONY OF FRANK G. LUJAN

ON A BILL TO CREATE

THE COMMONWEALTH ON GUAM (H.R. 98)
BEFORE THE HOUSE INTERIOR SUBCOMMITTEE ON
INSULAR & INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Honolulu, Hawaii
December 11, 1989

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The status issue is not new to Guam at this time. It has long been of concern to the people of our Island.

The people of Guam have continuously sought local autonomy and full civil government. As early as 1902 Guamanians petitioned the U.S. government to establish their rights and liberties, declaring that "fewer permanent guarantees of liberty and property rights exist now than under, the Spanish domination." This petition was endorsed by the second Governor who referred to its "propriety and urgency" but still elective representation and self-government was not available. One of the first actions of the Guam Legislature, after it was first established in 1917, was to request the Governor to recommend to the President and Congress that the civil and political rights of the people be defined by an act of Congress. But nothing was done.

In the early '30's, the appointed naval Governor suggested that the fundamental rights of citizens now enjoyed by all Americans be proclaimed by the President and he also appealed for

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