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LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1894.

CONTENT 8.-N° 147.
NOTES:-Lady Mary Grey, 301-"Constitution," 303-
Heraldry, 301-Centenarians, 305-Smart Adam Gibb
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minor character in history, yet was she not so unimportant as to be passed over by Strype in his Annals'; and the little lady is interesting, not only from her relationship to others more famous, but from her own story, which, indeed, forms a chapter of one of the saddest stories in English annals, viz., the fate of the three Ladies Grey. Daughters of Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, by his wife Frances Brandon, granddaughters of Charles Brandon of the same title, and of his wife Mary Tudor, Queen Dowager of France, and as great-granddaughters of King Henry VII. in the succession to the Crown after the Stuarts, their high descent was to them an endowment of misfortune and shortened lives. Thus it is interesting to know where "after life's fitful fever" these poor ladies sleep.

The grave of Lady Jane, "sometime unfortunate Queen of England" (Strype), is known by all to be with those of the illustrious victims of ambition, their own or of others, before the altar of St. Peter's ad Vincula in the Tower of London. The Lady Katherine, who by her clandestine marriage with the Earl of Hertford incurred the vindictive anger of her cousin Queen Elizabeth, after enduring six years of persecution and captivity, died at the house of her last custodian, Sir Owen Hopton, at Yoxford, in Suffolk, and in the church there was laid to rest. To Charles Knight ('Popular History of England,' iii. 164), I think, we are indebted for bringing that to light and for correcting the current error that she died in the Tower, where she at first was imprisoned.

LADY MARY GREY, ALIAS KEYS, A paragraph lately in the newspapers announcing the reopening of the church of St. Botolph withLady Mary, the third and diminutive sister— out Aldersgate, after having been cleared of its "the least in all the Court," as wrote Sir William thousand and more coffins," calls to mind the Cecil-escaped the vigilance of the queen, and above-named lady, who, as a copy of her will undeterred by the punishment of her sister, then (Lansdowne MSS., xxvii. 31, Brit. Mus.) shows, still living, gave her hand to Thomas Keys, the was in her latter years resident in that parish. Serjeant Porter, "the biggest gentleman in the That she was buried in St. Botolph's is probable; Court." Cecil describes the match as "monstrous," the writer of the article Lady Mary Keys in the and certainly it was unequal in more senses than one. 'Dict. Nat. Biog.' so states, but the evidence is Yet at that time the office of "Porter" frequently unknown to me. Strype, who records her death, does indicated an honourable position; the "Porter of not refer to her burial, having, apparently, nothing Calais," e. g., was a knight or gentleman of good before him but the will; nor does Dean Burgon, family, and the "Serjeant Porter" at the Palace who, in his 'Life and Times of Sir Thomas Gres- was probably equal in position to "Groom of the ham,' tells Lady Mary's story; nor is the fact Chamber"; indeed, Burke designates Keys as revealed in the State Papers, so far as calendared. "Groom-Porter," and other writers refer to him I have troubled the rector of St. Botolph's with the as "Gentleman Porter of the Queen's Household inquiry; but he not having been able to give me and Master of the Revels." It has been thought more than the too frequent reply, "The register for that Lady Mary in marrying below her own station the period has been lost," I would now refer to hoped to escape the queen's anger and jealous N. & Q.,' and at the same time inquire if there apprehension; but if so she erred, for Elizabeth is likely to be a transcript of the missing registers; "took the matter much to heart." The marriage indeed, I would seek enlightenment as to tran-quickly discovered, the pair were at once separated: scripts of City parish registers generally. Do they exist; and if so, where?

I scarcely think apology necessary for inquiry as to the burial-place of Lady Mary Grey, believing that an almost universal interest pertains to the graves of the historic dead. True, she is but a

Keys sent to the Fleet, and Lady Mary (perhaps deemed personally too insignificant for the Tower) placed in the custody, first of Mr. Hawtrey, of the Chequers in Buckinghamshire, and latterly of Sir Thomas Gresham. In the biography of the great London merchant by Dean Burgon we have, as

well as the sad story of Lady Mary, that also of her
husband; and the later published 'Calendar of
State Papers' affords a few additional details.
Keys, after spending upwards of two years in the
Fleet, appears to have become a prisoner on parole
at Lewisham, and latterly at Sandgate Castle, on
the coast of Kent, whence a letter written by him
in May, 1570, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, is
found with the State Papers, beseeching his grace
to intercede with the queen on his behalf, "that
according to the laws of God he might be per-
mitted to live with his wife." His prayer was of
no avail, and sixteen months afterwards, Septem-
ber, 1571, Keys died, perhaps at Sandgate, for we
do not hear of his removal. Search has been made
for his burial register, but so far fruitlessly.

Lady Mary was at once informed by Sir Thomas
Gresham of her husband's death, which, writes Sir
Thomas to Cecil, now Lord Burghley, "she taketh
grievously, begging Her Majesty's leave to bring
up his children"; these were by a former wife, and
they are mentioned as being at one time with their
father in the Fleet, but as to what became of them
nothing seems to be known. It speaks also to the
faithfulness of Lady Mary that having previous to
widowhood used her maiden name, she, a month
after her husband's death, when writing to Burgh-
ley praying to be restored to the queen's favour,
"God having now removed the occasion of Her
Majesty's justly conceived displeasure," signed
herself Mary Keye. But not until a year later
was she released from the custody of Sir Thomas;
then, perhaps, she had the queen's forgiveness, for
there is indication of this in her New Year's pre-
sentation to Elizabeth at Hampton Court of "two
pair of sweet gloves, with four dozen buttons of
gold, in every one a seed pearl," then receiving
from her sovereign cousin "a cup with a cover
weighing 18 oz."* This, however, was on Jan. 1,
1578, about six years after she had been set at
liberty, and but a few months before her death,
which occurred on April 20, 1578.† Her will had
been made only three days before, and it shows
that her last residence was in the parish of St.
Botolph without Aldersgate. The will is certainly
interesting in naming her friends and servants,
and in its indication of her condition. Strype
quotes but a portion of it, and, not aware that it
has ever been wholly printed, I offer to the Editor
my transcription of the copy above referred to :-
[Endorsement] A coppy of the La. Mary Grayes
laste will and testament.

In the name of god Amen the xvij daye of Aprill in the yeare of our lord god 1578 And in the xxth yeare of

*Nichols's Progresses,' &c., ii. 65, 81.

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Fuller, in his Worthies,' gives the date. Lady Mary was fourteen years old in 1559, when her mother Frances Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk, died (see Inq. p.m., Cal. State Papers, Dom., Add., 1580-1625,' p. 404); therefore born in 1545, and about thirty-three years of age at time of her death in 1578.

the Raigne of our Soveraigne Ladye Elizabethe by the
grace of god of England Fraunce and Irelande Queene
defendor of the faithe I the Ladye Marye Greye of the
p'ishe of St. Botolphe wthout Aldersgat in the Citie of
London widowe of wholl minde and of good and perfect
remembraunce laude and praise be unto Almightie god
therfor doe ordaine and make this my last will and testa-
mente in manner and forme followinge repealinge herbie
and utterlie revolkinge all former willes and testamentes
whatsoever hertofor by me made and ordained And
furate as toutchinge my soull I comitt y same to ye
mercie of god Almightye my Savior and redemer by
whose deathe and passione onelie without any other waies
or meanes I truste to be saved under whose true churche
I proteste myself unto the wholl world to die an humble
and true repentant personne for my sinnes committed
And as for my bodie I commit the same to be buried
where the Quens ma'tie shall thinke most meete and
convenient Itm. I will that all such debtes and duties
as of right and consciens I doe owe unto any personn or
persons be well and trulie contented and paide by myne
executores herafter by me made and ordained Itm. I
geave & bequeathe unto my verie good ladie and graund-
mother the Dutchess of Suffolks grace* one paere of
hand Braclettes of gould with a jacinte stonne in eatche
Bracelette wh Bracelattes were my 1. grace my late
mothers or els my Juell of unycornes horne wchsoever
likethe here grace best to take And wchsoever herr
grace refusathe I geave and bequeathe the same to my
verie good ladie ye lady Susanne Countesse of Kentet
Itm. I geave to my verie good lady and cosenne the
countesse of Lincolnet one girdle of gouldsmithes worke
set all with pearle and buttons of gould Itm. I geave to
my verie good 1. and sister my 1. Marie Bartyes and to
Mr Peregrine Bartye§ her husband my best gilt cupe
and my best saltceller of sylver and gilt Itm. I geave to
my verie good 1. and cowsene my 1. Stafford a tablet
good 1. my 1. Arrundell one tankarde of sylver and gilt
of gould with an aggett in it Itm. I geave to my verie
Itm. I geave to my 1. Margaret Nevell** a traine kirtle
of yellowe vellet wth a foreple [?] belonginge to it of
the same Itm. I geave unto her also my best gowne
of blacke vellet and a kirtle of blacke vellet to the same
gowne wch is cutte under wth murrey farlett [?] Itm.
I geave unto her more one petticotte of crimson satten
garded about wth a blacke gard of vellet and a gould
lace ymbrothered uppon the same Itm. I geave to my
verie good 1. my 1. Throckmortonne a boulle of silver
and gilt with a cover Itm. I geave to my verie frend
Mrs Blaunche a Parre a little gilt bowlle with a cover to

Willoughby de Eresby, fourth and last wife of Charles *Katherine, only daughter and heir of William, Lord Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, therefore step-grandmother of the testatrix. The duchess married, secondly, Richard Bertie, Esq., and died in 1580.

† Susan, daughter of Richard Bertie, Esq., by Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, and wife of Reginald Grey,

Earl of Kent.

Elizabeth," the fair Geraldine," daughter of Gerald Fitz-Gerald, Earl of Kildare, and third wife of Edward Clinton, Earl of Lincoln.

§ Mary, daughter of John Vere, Earl of Oxford, and wife of Peregrine Bertie, eventually Lord Willoughby de Eresby, son of Richard Bertie, Esq., by Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, who in her own right was Baroness Willoughby de Eresby.

|| Mary, daughter of Edward Stanley, Earl of Derby, and wife of Edward, Lord Stafford.

Anne, sister of above Lady Stafford, and wife of Sir John Arundel, Knt., of Lanherne, co. Cornwall. **This Nevill lady I cannot identify.

it Itm. I geave to my verie good coзen Mrs Hall the elder one neaste of plaine small silver bowlles Itm. geave to my verie good cowsenn Mrs Duport the elder one standinge cup of silver and gilt wth a cover Itm. I geave to my gossoppe Mrs Morrisonne a cowple of small silver bowles pynked Itm. I geave more to my cowsenn Mrs Hall a gowne of blacke vellet set about wth buttons and a blacke vellet kirtle layed about with a purple and blacke silke billmmer [?] lace Itm. I geave to my daughter [? goddaughter] Janne Merrick one good fethered bedde and a boulstere to the same and the three peres of hanginge wch I have of myne owne and a cowple of covered stoolles Itm. I will that the leasse of my howse wherin I now dwell be sould and the money comminge therof after the rent is paid that is due to the landlord alreadie Igeave the residue to Marrie Merrick my goddaughter to be kepte in the hand of my cowsen Edmond Haull to the use and behoof of the child untill suche tyme as shee either be married or accomplishe the tearme of xxj yeares Itm. 1 geave to Marrie Fulleshurst xis And unto her sister Margaret Fulshurst vjls xiiis iiijd weh I will to be delivered to my cosenn Mr Toms. Duport to keepe and occupie for the wenches behalf untill suche tyme as thei either be married or accomplishe the tearme of xxj yeares Itm. I geave to Rachell Broune iiijls to be likewise kepte in the handes of my cosen Edmond Hall to the use and commoditie of the wenche untill shee come either to be married or els to the tearme of xxj yeares as aforsaid Itm. I giue to Anne Gould well my servant half a dozen of silver spones and twoe trenchers plattes of silver Itm. I giue to Katherin Duport my servant one trencher platte of silver gilt about the eddge Itm. I giue to Robt. Savell my servant my blacke coatche geldinge with my coatche and furniture belonginge Itm. I geave to Henrie Gouldwell my servant my baie coatche geldinge Itm. I giue unt William Parfoot [qy.; Parpoint erased] iiijls to binde him prentice to some good occupacon suche as my executores all my goodes and catteles bothe moveable and immoveable leasses houshould stuffe jeuelles platte money dettes and all other my goodes by whatsoever name or names thei beare or ought to be called wch either I be myself or by myne owne handes have not geaven or befor in this my last will and testiment not bequeathed or assigned I will that of the same be made the most that can be And my debtes being paide my funerall charges & expenses performed And theiss my legacies contaigned in this my p'sent testament fafi led I will that the same be equallie devided amongst my forsaied servantes And the rest not named by the handes of my trustie and welbeloved cowsens Mr. Edmond Hall and Mr. Thomas Duport esquires whome I constitude ordaine and make my executores of this my p'nt last will and testament hoping thei will finishe and accomplishe the same according to the effectes and my true meaninge herine as my assured hope and speciall trust is therin. In witnesse wherof that this is my verie true last will and testament I have hereunto subscribed my name and set to my seall the day and yeare furat above written.

shall thinke meet and convenient Itm. the residue of

In this copy of the will the signature of the testatrix is not transcribed; the existence of the original is very questionable.

Reverting to the question of the burial of Lady Mary Grey, it will be observed that by her will she appointed it to be wherever the queen should think most meet and convenient. It is possible, therefore, that she was interred with other mem

bers of her family, elsewhere than at St. Botolph's
mural monuments-not earlier, I think, than the
without Aldersgate. The church contains several
seventeenth century-and it is to be hoped that its
history, memorial, and registers will some day
receive due attention.
W. L. RUTTON.

27, Elgin Avenue, Westbourne Park, W.

"CONSTITUTION" IN A POLITICAL SENSE. (Concluded from p. 235.)

The following additional quotations will, I think, conclusively prove the inadequacy of the 'N. E. D.'s' treatment :

"It may not perhaps be taken notice of what sort of offence it is for many persons to meet together and joyne in framing or preserving (? presenting Petitions, to have any of ye Constitutions of this Realm either altered or repealed especially at such a time when there is no Par. liament sitting, by whom such alterations or Repeales Sp. of Essex to the City Council of may be made. Dublin,' March 20, 1673/4 ( Essex Papers,' vol. i. p. 189, Camden Society). Compare, "in all citys of note, ye constitution of them is so already (Oct. 1, 1672, ibid., P. 32).

"If you finde it fit to publish our orders and constitutions, you shall in our name signify to the archbishops and bishops that our pleasure is that no minister be prejudiced or molested for his privat opinions concerning Church Government."-Private Instructions from Charles II. to Lauderdale' ('Lauderd. Papers,' vol. ii. p. 187, Camden Society).

My next extracts shall be from Mr. C. H. Firth's invaluable work the 'Clarke Papers,' vol. i., 1891 (Camden Society), pp. 268 et seq.:

"Ireton: Wee have said we desire [first] to have the constitution of the supreme aucthority of this kingdome, re luced to that constitution which is due to the people of this kingdome."

"(At the Council of the Army's meeting held at Putney, October-November, 1647):-The Paper called the Agreement read. Afterwards the first Article ('that the people of England, being at this day very unequally distributed by Counties, Cities, and Burroughs for the election of their deputies in Parliament, ought to be more indifferently proportioned, according to the number of the Inhabitants......') read by itt self. Ireton: The exception that lies in itt is this. Itt is said, 'The people of England,' &c.......they are to be distributed according to the number of the inhabitants,' and this doth mike mee thinke that the meaning is, that every man that is an inhabitant is to be equally consider'd, and to have an equal voice in the election of the representors, those persons that are for the Generall Representative; and if that bee the meaning then I have something to say against itt. But: if itt bee onely that those people, that by the Civil Constitution of this kingdome, which sure noe memory of record does goe-(interruption : is original and fundamentall, and beyond which I am 'Nott before the Conquest'). Butt before the Conquest it was soe. Iff itt bee intended, that those that by that Constitution that was before the Conquest, that hath bin beyond memory, such persons that have been before [by] that Constitution [the Electors], should be [still] the electors, I have noe more to say against itt."-Pp. 299, 300.

"Ireton: I am sure if wee looke uppon that which is the utmost within man's view of what was originally the constitution of this Kingdome, [if wee] looke uppon that which is most radicall and fundamental, and which if you take away there is noe man hath any land, any goods [or] any civill interest, that is this: that those that chuse the Representors for the making of Lawes by which this State and Kingdome are to be govern'd, are the persons who taken together comprehend the locall interest of this kingdome; that is, the persons in whome all land lies, and those in Corporations in whome all trading lies. This is the most fundamentall Constitution of this Kingdome, which if you doe nott allow you allow none att all. This Constitution hath limited and determined itt that onely those shall have voices in

Elections."

It is to be borne in mind, when the above is read, that Ireton had been a law-student.

"In the meane time the king [Edw. IV.] caulyd a parlyament at Westminster......wherein first wer revyved all suche his constitutions and lawys, which had been repealyd and abrogatyd a lyttle before by King Henry the VIth."-Polydore Virgil, Hist. Eng.,' translated

temp. Hen. VIII., p. 159 (Camden Society).

"It may please you there for to understonde we have bad befor us as well my lord deputie, the mayre, and all the counsaill of the said towne, as also diverse others of the kinges true servauntes of the same, and examyned every of theym apart, what the cause is that the good olde, and holsome lawes, ordinances, and constitutions of the said towne and marches, made by the kinges highnes, have not been followed and put in due execution."-Commissioners on State of Calais: Report to Cromwell,' 15:5 ('Chronicle of Calais,' p. 130, Camden Society).

D. Yf I do abjure me, or put me to execucyon
P. W. I dare say he breaketh no popyshe conetytucyon.
Bp. Bale's 'King Johan, p. 33 (Camden Soc.),
and cf. p. 57.

"But now are found new constituciouns of procuracies and customis and other expensis, so that noither sacrament, nor benefice, nor ministry is yeven nor tan frely after Cristis bidding; but overal goth eymonie privaly or apert."— Apol. Loll.,' p. 78, fourteenth century (Camden Soc.).

Whence also the following:

"But now are men lettid oftun bi maal lawis, rewlis, and constituciouns, to wirk after the spirit, or to do the merciful dedis or rightfulness frely, bi autorite of Crist."

-P. 80.

A reader of Bishop Russell's speeches (temp. Edward V.) cannot, I think, but be persuaded that the term was used in England down to that time only in the sense of a royal, imperial, or ecclesiastical constitution as above (the quotation in the N. E. D.' from Gower does not disprove this). The bishop is constantly hovering over the constitutio reipublicæ and the constitutio corporis ground, now so familiar to us, but never once (I believe) alights on it. I am inclined at present to think that the political metaphor was introduced prominently by James I., that it was immediately adopted by the opponents of the Court, and that it thus had a "republican face," almost from the start. I need not say that I would welcome any further light on this important term-whether

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"But certainly in the Great Frame of Kingdomes and Commonwealths, it is in the power of Princes or Estates, by ordinances, and constitutions, and maners which they may introduce, to so we greatnesse to their posteritie and succession."

This is the essay (in an enlarged form the twentyninth of the 1625 edition) which points out the supreme importance of "the command of the seas" -a truth, then a truism, then a commonplace, and lastly a platitude so stale that editors of the Essays' (e.g., Dr. E. A. Abbott) had come to think it unworthy of note or comment, until Capt. Mahan, without going an inch beyond Bacon's warrant, has once more brought the fact home to us.

HERALDRY.-There is one great and striking difference between ancient and modern heraldry. In feudal times no two persons, however nearly connected by blood, bore precisely the same coat of arms. A coat of arms always belonged to the head of the house, all the other members of the family differencing their arms, each in a distinct way, so that no two of them bore exactly the same coat. Now all this is changed, every cadet bearing the arms of his chief without any distinction whatever. The strange part of it is that the College of Arms appears to authorize these assumptions, although it contradicts itself by the clause on dif ferencing, which it inserts in every grant of arms it issues: To be borne and used for ever hereafter by the said John Smith and his descendants with due and proper differences according to the law of arms." These words are invariably used in every modern grant, as words to the same effect were used in every ancient one.

I can only account for the disregard of this vital heraldic rule in the following way. The immense increase of population, and with it the corresponding increase of coats of arms, would render differencing as formerly carried out almost impossible.

Then, again, pedigrees have greatly altered from what they formerly were. In earlier pedigrees younger sons were hardly ever mentioned, unless they happened to acquire an estate by marriage with an heiress, and even then they frequently preferred taking their wife's name and undifferenced coat to keeping their own with a mark of cadency.

Failing such fortunate marriage, they retired to a monastery and were not heard of again.

Now, however, a pedigree embraces every member, male and female, of a family; so that we see a

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