justify it, as well as his apologists 45. The

done; the speaker and the members all departing. The grounds of which proceedings will (its probable) be shortly made publick." Writers of Gazettes in all ages and countries are pretty much the same.- -If the reader will turn to Mr. Hume, he may see this story of the dissolution of the parliament highly embellished. It may well enough be thought a transaction of this nature must have been variously censured. The common people, delighted with change, were far enough from being displeased; the Cavaliers and the other Royalists with pleasure saw those men displaced from that power they judged they had no right to assume; the Dutch were in hopes of obtaining peace on better terms than those steady and resolute men ever would willingly have given them; whilst the true Republicans could not help crying out on Cromwell, who had interrupted the parliament in their career of glory. Mr. Whitlock's censure we have just seen. Another author thus exclaims against him."His falseness and ingratitude," says he, "appeared superlatively in turning out his masters, who had not only advanced him, but made themselves more odious by their partial affection towards him, and in his doing it with the breach of a positive negative oath, taken once a year, when made a counsellor of state, besides the breach of all other engagements, voluntary imprecations, protestations and oaths, taken frequently upon all occasions in discourse and declarations; and yet further (when he had turned them out, and left them void of protection, and exposed them to the fury of the people) in pursuing them with false reproachful declarations, enough to have stirred up the rude multitude to have destroyed them, wherever they had met them "." Mr. Ludlow talks much in the same strain. Cromwell's defence will be found in the following note.

b

46 Oliver attempted to justify it, as well as his apologists.]

a History of Great Britain, vol. II. p. 44. in Oliver Cromwell, p. 15. 4to. Lond. 1668,

b The World's Mistake

grounds and reasons of this proceeding being

On the twenty-second of April, two days after the interruption or dissolution of the parliament, a declaration was published in the name of the lord-general and his council of officers, shewing the grounds and reasons thereof. In this the neglect of the parliament, in settling a due liberty in reference both to civil and spiritual things, is lamented, and a desire of perpetuating themselves in the supreme government asserted. "For which purpose," says the general and his officers, "the corrupt party [the majority] long opposed, and frequently declared themselves against having a new representative: and when they saw themselves necessitated to take that bill into consideration, they resolved to make use of it to recruit the house with persons of the same spirit and temper: and the better to effect this, divers petitions preparing from several counties for the continuance of this parliament were encouraged, if not set on foot by many of them."They go on to say, "That, having a meeting with about twenty members of parliament, they laid before them their judgment, that the supream authority should be by the parliament devolved upon known persons, men fearing God, and of approved integrity, and the government of the commonwealth committed unto them for a time, as the most hopeful way to encourage and countenance all God's people, reform the law, and administer justice impartially." This, it seems, found no acceptance: but, instead thereof, "it was offered, that the way was to continue still this present parliament, as being that from which we might reasonably expect all good things. And this being vehemently insisted upon, did much confirm us in our apprehensions, that not any love to a representative, but the making use thereof to recruit, and so perpetuate themselves, was their aim. They being plainly dealt with about this, and told, that neither the nation, the honest interest, nor we ourselves, would be deluded by such dealings, they did agree to meet again the next day in the afternoon for mutual satisfaction, it being consented

published, they were approved by the chief

to by the members present, that endeavours should be used, that nothing in the mean time should be done in parliament that might exclude or frustrate the proposals above mentioned. Notwithstanding this, the next morning the parliament did make more haste than usual, in carrying on their said act, being helped on therein by some of the persons engaged to us the night before; none of them which were then present endeavouring to oppose the same: and being ready to put the main question for consummating the said act, whereby our aforesaid proposals would have been rendered void, and the way of bringing them into a fair and full debate in parliament obstructed; for preventing whereof, and all the sad and evil consequences, which must, upon the grounds aforesaid, have ensued, and whereby, at one blow, the interest of all honest men, and of this glorious cause, had been in danger to be laid in the dust, and these nations embroiled in new troubles, at a time when our enemies abroad are watching all advantages against us, and some of them actually engaged in a war with us: we have been necessitated, though with much reluctancy, to put an end to this parliament; which yet we have done (we hope) out of an honest heart, preferring this cause above our names, lives, families, or interests, how dear soever; with clear intentions and real purposes of heart, to call to the government persons of approved fidelity and honest, believing, that as none wise will expect to gather grapes of thorns, so good men will hope, that, if persons so qualified be chosen, the fruits of a just and righteous reformation, so long prayed and wished for, will, by the blessing of God, be in due time obtained, to the refreshing of all those good hearts who have been panting after those things."--Mr. Maidston, steward of the household to Cromwell, a member of his parliaments, and well acquainted

a Declaration of the lord general, &c. London, printed by Henry Hills and Thomas Bewster, printers to the army. 4to. 1653.

officers in the fleet and army, and the general

with his actions, speaking of his return to London from the victory at Worcester, adds, " He had not long continued here, before it was strongly imprest upon him by those, to whom he had no reason to be utterly incredulous, and strengthned by his own observation, that the persons then called the parliament of the commonwealth of England, as from whom he had derived his authority, and by virtue whereof he had fought so many holy men in Scotland into their graves, were not such as were spirited to carry the good interest to an end, wherein he and they had jeoparded all that was of concern to them in this world; and I wish cordially, that there had not been too great a ground for those allegations. The result of them, after many debates betwixt the members then sitting, and the general, with some who joined with him, was the dissolution of that parliament by a military force since called by a softer word, interruption.". These were the pleas in the defence of the dissolution by those who had accomplished it. Since this others have taken up the argument, and in behalf of Cromwell observe, "That the presbyterian party being expelled the house, the small remainder was only a junto which derived their authority from the power of the sword; their votes and acts were no farther laws than the sword constrained obedience to them; they were only continued in their seats by Cromwell for a present convenience; and therefore as they were only countenanced and supported by the power of the sword, which was then in the hands of Cromwell, they were to be looked upon as no other than a party set up by him, and owing their authority to him. So that when they began to extend that authority beyond its limits, and assumed to themselves a democratical power in opposition to him from whom they derived their subsistence, they were rather rebels to Cromwell, than Cromwell to them; and as he set them up in hopes that

Thurloe, vol. I. p. 765.

thereupon proceeded to nominate a new council

they might be serviceable to him for the good of the nation, might pull them down again, when he saw them exceeding their commission. Now whether the design for the bringing of which to pass, Cromwell fixed them in their seats pro tempore, were good or bad, is not the question: but whether they who were no lawful authority, but only acted under the safeguard of another unlawful authority, had power to make any act good or evil, as it suited with their interest, or opposed their designs. For if they had not, which is most probable, Cromwell is never a jot the more impious, the more perjured, the more villain, because they call him so. For being a junto of his own erecting, upon such and such considerations, he might, without any fear of those reproaches, send them a grazing when he found them deviating from those ends for which he had suffered them to keep their places a.”- Mr. Rapin is an advocate on the same side of the question. "The republicans," says he, "were enraged against Cromwell, and deemed him the most perfidious of men. This is not very strange, since he had wrested from that parliament the sovereign power, seized by these republicans without any lawful authority. But what was this parliament? It was an assembly of independents, anabaptists, fanaticks, enthusiasts, and others of no religion, who under colour of establishing a free commonwealth, held the nation in servitude; who, to confirm their own authority, had treated their fellow members with unheard of violence, and dared to imbrue their hands in the blood of the late king, at a time when he had almost granted every thing that was desired; who, in short, were industrious to break the union of the church, to subvert all religion, or introduce the most ridiculous and extravagant one. Was it therefore more eligible for England to be governed by these men, than by a Cromwell"." These

a Modest Vindication of Oliver Cromwell, p. 49. England, vol. II, p. 601. fol. Lond. 1733.

Rapin's History of